Roots of dynastic politics remain deep


VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


Prime Minister Narendra Modi went to the tilak ceremony of Mulayam Singh Yadav’s grandnephew Tej Pratap at the weekend at Saifai in Uttar Pradesh, giving a great photo opportunity for the Yadav dynasty in politics. The opportunity was rare. Two powerful political families of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are coming together through a matrimonial alliance. Former Bihar Chief Minister Lalu Prasad is getting his daughter married to the grandnephew of former UP Chief Minister. The two Yadav leaders have also politically come together after ending their hostility of a quarter of a century. This was typical of the days of the Rajas and Maharajas when warring feudal States sought refuge in a matrimonial alliance to end their hostility.

There should be more socio-political and psychological studies on conditioning of voters who favour dynasties. We still have little understanding of the psychological reasons why voters prefer the family members of leaders rather than fresh political talent. Voting on caste pattern may be one big reason. Things may be changing now with the victory of Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi Assembly polls. But still there is a long way to go when birth in a political family won’t guarantee political success within the party.

We know for sure that dynasty and politics go in tandem like a jugalbandi and become natural bedfellows in the country. This is what we have seen in the last few years. Rahul Gandhi becoming the de facto no. 1 in the Congress is the natural process of the malaise which has been set into motion by not only his party but a host of other regional parties in the country.

From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, you will find a series of dynastic leaders at the helm of either governance or the regional parties. Congress is merely the symptom of the disease, which runs deep, across political divide and ideology. None of these regional parties have any system in which leadership quality is scrutinised or the leader is chosen from a talent pool, which is wide and deep. It is only taking birth in the right family, which determines political fate.

In the northern most State of the country — Jammu & Kashmir — it was the father-son duo of Farooq Abdullah and Omar who called the shots till recent Assembly polls. Omar’s grandfather Sheikh Abdullah was the one who made a mark with his leadership qualities, something which continues to be milked by the father-son duo. Besides that, there is the father-daughter duo of Mufti Mohammed Sayeed and Mehbooba Mufti in the State who managed to outsmart the father-son duo in the Assembly polls. Now, they are set to take over the reins of the State in partnership with the BJP.

Cross over to Punjab. Here, the father-son duo of Parkash Singh Badal and Sukhbir Badal has practically monopolised the entire political space of the Akali Dal. While the father is the Chief Minister of the State, the son is the Deputy Chief Minister and also the President of the Akali Dal. The older generation of the Akalis has been gradually marginalised and beyond the two, there is hardly any leadership except perhaps Bikram Majithia, brother-in-law of the junior Badal. Nephew of the Chief Minister, Manpreet Badal was important for a while but when he fell out in the succession plan of the senior Badal, he revolted and formed his own party. “A son is important, not a nephew,” says the saying in the Akali Dal.

Punjab’s neighbour Haryana isn’t any different. Here, the father-son duo of Om Prakash Chautala and Ajay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal has been convicted for 10 years each for their role in the JBT scam. With hardly any line of leadership in the party, the mantle has now fallen on another son of the jailed leader and former Chief Minister, Abhay Chautala. It was former Deputy Prime Minister Chaudhary Devi Lal, the father of OP Chautala, who started this dynastic tradition, which continues in the party without any hitch. State Congress is no different, former Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda is now an MLA while his son Deepender the lone MP of Congress from the State. Haryana Janhit Congress of Bhajan Lal’s son, Kuldeep Bishnoi tried to cash in on the name of the former Chief Minister but has been thoroughly rejected by the people.

In the hill State of Himachal, Prem Kumar Dhumal is the Leader of Opposition and was the Chief Minister till December 2012. His son Anurag Thakur is an MP from Hamirpur and in the BJP, this is a rare occurrence. There is hardly any other example in the BJP where both father and son have made it big into politics. Virbhadra Singh became the Chief Minister of the State in December 2012 and is clear that his son Vikramaditya Singh is being groomed now. The junior Singh could well be either in the State Assembly or Parliament whenever next elections take place.

In UP, Bahujan Samaj Party remains the only party, which is bereft of dynastic politics. Kanshi Ram started the party and never encouraged any family member. Instead, the leadership mantle fell on Mayawati who remained single and can rightfully take a swipe at dynastic politics of her arch rival in the State — Samajwadi Party. The entire family of party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav is in politics with son Akhilesh as the Chief Minister and daughter-in-law Dimple as an MP. Then there are brothers and nephews, all in prominent positions in the party and Government. It seems there is no talent beyond the family for the Yadav patriarch.

Dynastic politics was experimented in Uttarakhand too but the voters here rejected attempts to foist Saket, the son of former Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna from Tehri constituency in a by-election. Present Chief Minister Harish Rawat too got a party ticket for his wife Renuka Rawat from Haridwar though the voters rejected her and she could not retain the seat won by her husband last time. However, in Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar of the JD(U) did not encourage his family members in politics. He chose Jitan Ram Manjhi when the situation arose last year for a leadership change. Now he is back as Chief Minister. But his new found friend Lalu Prasad made his wife Rabri Devi the Chief Minister after he was jailed.

West Bengal is relatively free from dynastic politics. With Mamata Banerjee at the helm, Trinamool Congress can rightfully take a swipe at Congress and Rahul Gandhi. Her main opponents in the State, CPI(M) too does not have any tradition of son taking over the mantle from father. In Odisha, you have Naveen Patnaik as Chief Minister who benefited from the legacy of his father Biju Patnaik. In Andhra Pradesh, Jagan Mohan Reddy sought the chair of Chief Minister as a matter of right after the death of his father YSR Reddy. He was denied the post by the Congress leadership, leading to revolt and formation of a separate regional party.

The other party in the State TDP too has shades of dynastic politics though for a change it was the son-in-law of NT Rama Rao, Chandrababu Naidu who inherited or rather snatched the political legacy in a Machiavellian move almost two decades ago.

Like the Akali Dal in Punjab, Shiv Sena of Maharashtra also saw the rejection of the claims of the nephew in favour of the son. The late party supremo Bal Thackeray chose his son Uddhav over nephew Raj to continue the dynastic tradition. Now Uddhav has roped in his son Aditya to groom his as a leader.

NCP too is not bereft of this as both the daughter and nephew of Union Minister Sharad Pawar are practically the no. 2 and 3 of the party. In Tamil Nadu, it is the extended family of M Karunanidhi, which holds fort as the vanguard of dynastic politics. So wherever you look, you see dynastic politics all around. Except perhaps BJP and the Left parties, the political outfits have limited talent pool when it comes to leadership. Congress and Rahul Gandhi are only the symptoms of the malaise which runs deep. “Don’t throw stones when you live in a glass house,” a Congress leader said on the criticism after Rahul was made the party vice president. (February 23, 2015)

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