Showing posts with label Delhi. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Delhi. Show all posts

Will Kejriwal fritter away the goodwill and advantage?


VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


The stunning victory of the Aam Aadmi Party in the Delhi Assembly election is a stuff of legend. This will be remembered as a watershed in the political history of the country, the way the victory of Janata Party in 1977 is remembered for first non-Congress Government and the way Narendra Modi will be remembered in the annals of history for demolishing political stereotypes in the May 2014 battle.

AAP’s victory was about how a few ideologically close people, guided by a vision for Delhi with a charismatic leader and excellent communicator at helm, started on a mission and tried to realise the dreams they saw.

They made mistakes on the way and fell down but quickly got back to their feet and marched on. Paulo Coelho in his “Alchemist” said when you want something from the core of your heart all the universe conspires in helping you to achieve it. Arvind Kejriwal wanted to win Delhi Assembly polls desperately and he succeeded in proving Coelho correct.

Less than a month down the line after the magical moment in New Delhi, what is catching the eyeballs now is the differences within the party which was once billed as the epitome of consensus politics. Aam Aadmi Party then talked of taking decisions based on consensus in the style of a panchayat or gram Sabha and even went way past in history to eulogise the way the kingdom of Vaishali practised democracy in the sixth century BC. That was by consensus and through democratic principles of voting.

When the results of Delhi became clear and the unprecedented landslide became clear, Kejriwal warned his supporters not to become arrogant. He said that it was arrogance which had led to the fall of the Congress and BJP in Delhi. He was right. But just four weeks after that speech from the balcony of his party office in New Delhi amid showering of petals, many now say that AAP has for all practical purposes become a one man party and divergent views do not have any place in the ruling party of Delhi.

Has AAP now become arrogant? Less than a week after the famous speech, a ban was imposed on media persons from entering the Delhi Secretariat. Of course, media is intrusive and they will remain so as they demand answers haunting the people from those in Government buildings, Secretariats, State Assemblies and Parliament.

This can’t be a reason to ban the media from a place where you find information. In fact, wasn’t Kejriwal himself also demanding answers all his life ever since he took off from Indian Revenue Service and started as a crusader for Right to Information with Aruna Roy who too had left the IAS and was working for transparency in the system. Didn’t he write letters to Government departments to seek accountability and information on projects and funds related to the people? This is what media does and AAP headed by Kejriwal banned their entry from the Secretariat.

Then you have the biggest question haunting not only the AAP sympathizers but all those who saw potential in the party as a viable alternative to run of the mill politics — internal democracy in the party. This is where AAP would start resembling Congress soon as the culture of party supremo and high command is set to become institutional in the fledgling party.

Yogendra Yadav and Prashant Bhushan were summarily removed from the Political Affairs Committee of AAP. Though the formalities were observed in removing them, it was clear that it had the stamp of Kejriwal all over it.

Sample this. If Sonia Gandhi or heir apparent Rahul Gandhi wants to remove an AICC General Secretary and also show to the world the facade of consensus, all they have to do is to sound their intentions to the Congress Working Committee. Didn’t we see something similar happening with Yadav and Bhushan? Doesn’t this happen in the Congress all the time? Can the Gandhi family tolerate and accept any dissent or dissenting views in the party? The answer is no. So where is the difference between the first family of the Congress and the supremo of AAP?

What I see here is a personality cult strengthening in AAP, something which is quite common in the personality centric Indian politics. So the talk of practicing alternative politics based on consensus is dead even before it started. Congress has perfected personality and dynasty centric politics over the decades and there are no two opinions about it.

BJP started with consensus politics during the era of Vajpayee and Advani but now it’s evident that Narendra Modi is the epicentre of a new age where personality dominates and consensus takes a backseat. AAP too is similar in many respects where it is gradually becoming clear that it is Kejriwal’s show all the way.

Yadav, the soft spoken and erudite spokesman of the party wants to take it beyond the confines of Delhi to the neighbouring Haryana and Punjab and then to the rest of the country. Remember, AAP won four seats in the Lok Sabha elections from Punjab and none from Delhi in the May 2014 Lok Sabha polls.

In Punjab, Assembly polls are less than two years away and with an impressive performance to boast off in the Lok Sabha polls with 25 per cent of the vote share, it was perhaps the right time for AAP to make inroads in the traditional bastions of Congress and Akali Dal.

What is wrong if Yadav wants to expand the base of the party and contest the Assembly polls in Punjab. In Haryana, AAP decided not to contest the Assembly polls as it was fresh from the defeat of the Lok Sabha polls. The move was resented by many as it lost an opportunity to build cadres and a support base even though strategically AAP felt that concentrating on Delhi was more important so that there was no loss in synergy. But if the party does not concentrate on Punjab where there is a real political possibility, then it would indeed be a great political miscalculation.

No one for sure knows what Kejriwal is thinking on Punjab. When Yadav first spoke about the expansion of the party in other parts of the country after the victory in Delhi, the AAP boss disagreed with him. But when the ground situation is conducive for the party in a State like Punjab, it would be interesting to see what position Kejriwal takes. You cannot become a prisoner of your own idea, let winds of change blow within the party. It’s only when there is exchange of ideas that theories are built and the roadmap for the future is drawn.

If AAP has to repeat Delhi elsewhere, it will have to introspect seriously now. People had enough of the controversies surrounding Yadav, Bhushan, Mayank Gandhi, Anjali Damania, Admiral L Ramdas and others.

It will have to move beyond one personality, one State and will have to quickly discard the Congressisation of the party in which sycophancy and  high command culture dominated and there is little or no place for consensus. (March 9. 2015)  

DELHI elections: The potboiler of politics




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


The advantage or disadvantage, whichever way you look at it, of a standalone election is that everyone gets involved in it to the point of being obsessed. This is perhaps happening with Delhi with almost everyone in the country glued on to the latest potboiler of politics, discussing, dissecting and analyzing the possible outcome.

Recent polls have proved that personalities have their own strength in electoral battles and ability to connect to the people through effective communication skills and oratory add to the abilities of a political leader. Narendra Modi has shown it to the entire world what effective and impromptu communication can do. He has shown that it can win elections handsomely combined with strong issues.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Delhi believes that what Modi is to the entire country, Arvind Kejriwal is to the national Capital. Modi ji aap desh sambhalo, Dilli hum par chhod do (Mr Modi, you take care of the country, leave Delhi for us) is the punch-line which is attracting the people combined with the slogan of Paanch saal Kejriwal (Five years for Kejriwal). The symbolism inherent in similar messages coined by the campaign managers of BJP was quite apparent and effective in the May 2014 Lok Sabha polls. Fast forward it a few months to February 2015 and you find the same is helping AAP gain new grounds now.

BJP knows the pulse of the people better that any other party at this point of time in electoral history. Modi magic is yet to wear off. Victories in assembly polls in states like Haryana and Maharashtra where it was never a serious player suggests so. In Jharkhand, BJP was always a strong player so the victory was not much of a surprise. Now in Delhi, BJP is playing on home turf—a state which has always been a stronghold of the party even since the Jan Sangh. But there is a difference this time round. The Opposition also has a personality which is attracting the people, at least at the local level. Kejriwal too is blessed with a good communication skill and knows how to connect with the people like Modi. He too is an excellent orator like Modi and knows how to involve the people in his speeches like the Prime Minister.

So there you have. An interesting contest is unfolding.  As AAP and Kejriwal had made the battle tough, BJP decided to bring in a general in Kiran Bedi to join the war of personalities. Clearly, it wanted to prevent a war of personalities between the Prime Minister and the former Delhi chief minister and divert it towards Bedi. But there are pitfalls of projecting someone as the chief ministerial candidate as it isolated other claimants for the top job.

Whatever they say in public, BJP aspirants for the job are a dejected lot and some of them see themselves becoming irrelevant in Delhi politics forever if she indeed wins and occupies the top job. Someone like say Dr Harsh Vardhan, Jagdish Mukhi, or a couple of more leaders, may not have excellent oratory or communication skills but they are well networked in the party, having worked for it for decades. It is this section which is disappointed, has serious reservations on Bedi and sees a dark future for it once she becomes the chief minister. If the BJP old guard is not enthusiastically participating in the electoral battle, it should be seen as a natural human tendency.

The old guard of BJP still has some hope. If BJP wins, Bedi would be the chief minister. But they also know that she would find it extremely difficult to survive in the world of politics as she is strong headed, non-compromising and self opinionated individual. Bedi had always been a very poor subordinate, known for her thumbs down approach toward her seniors in the IPS. She has never been stable in any of her postings in the past except perhaps as DG Tihar Jail and in the United Nations. In both the places, she was hardly expected to report to anyone. But in politics, you have to be answerable to every party worker, MLA and Minister. So some in the BJP say that even if the party wins and she becomes the Chief Minister, it will be extremely difficult for her to survive beyond six months.

And what if there is a hung assembly and BJP is precariously close to the majority. Obviously in such a situation you need a hard-nosed politician well heeled in the local party affairs to win support of Independents and others. Bedi does not fit the bill there too and that leaves a chance for those who have worked up their way in BJP for decades.

Looking beyond electioneering, what is surprising is BJP putting all it has in the polls for a state which is yet to get full statehood. Modi is addressing a series of rallies himself and so is party chief Amit Shah. Top Cabinet ministers of the government and chief ministers of BJP ruled states are out campaigning and seeking votes. Ministers are addressing press conferences every day and asking Kejriwal questions, effectively turning it into a battle of personalities rather than issues. Clearly, the party itself is to blame for making it a David versus Goliath election. In sporting events, people always tend to support the underdog and though politics may not play out as sports, the underdog nevertheless here is AAP.

Interestingly, AAP has no star campaigner except the party boss himself, little funds to match the bigger parties, has faced a series of desertions, comprises largely of amateurs with little experience of politics, but its fighting instinct is not only intact but also strong. Perhaps this is born out of agitation and the ability to charter a path which is not marked and lineated. Surveys before the polls suggest a battle of equals which indicates how AAP has managed to hold on to its support base despite Modi emerging as the hero of the middle class in all parts of north and west India.

Though Modi’s honeymoon with the voters of the country continues and people have little or no grudge against the central government as of now, people of Delhi have a chance to compare the performance of other BJP state governments which were formed in the recent months. There is a growing realization that there is little or no break from the past government models and governance in states like Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand where BJP won recently. Citing those states, AAP is promising a break from the past models of governance and change. This is perhaps attracting the people in Delhi and helping AAP retain its support base in the Capital. 

For Congress, whose entire vote base of the minorities, residents of unauthorized and Jhuggi-Jhopri colonies, urbanized villages and a section of the middle class, has shifted to AAP, it is indeed a tough time. There is nothing for the party to show that it is on the revival mode. The latest controversies surrounding leaders of the old guard—Janardan Dwivedi (praise of Modi) and now Jayanthi Natarajan (allegations against Rahul Gandhi) has once again shown how it has become a house divided. The party requires time, opportunity and new strategy to take Modi-Bedi combine in Delhi and Kejriwal. Of course this needs time, another five years before Congress becomes battle ready. Till then, it would remain in political hibernation. (February 2, 2015)


Over to national Capital Delhi again


VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


A lot of water, or rather sewage, has flown down the Yamuna in the last one year. Despite the constant of the Yamuna, rapid political changes have taken place in the national Capital and a new political dispensation is firmly in place.

The only constant perhaps is political uncertainty regarding the State Government as many pundits argue that the results of 2013 polls would be replicated again. Last year, the people of Delhi gave a hung House after throwing out the Sheila Dikshit Government. In a few weeks from now, they would be voting for a fresh government and the votaries of stability argue against a similar mandate and hope for a clear verdict this time round.

Delhi will be an interesting case study for pollsters this time again. Many find it difficult to explain the rise of Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) as a regional player in the national Capital, taking over the vote base of the Congress. The few remaining Congress loyalists, on the other hand, still can’t pin point the reasons for its political humiliation at the hands of AAP in Delhi and its decimation all over the country by Narendra Modi-led BJP.

Congress continues with its infighting, dynasty worship, lack of a big idea, sycophancy, defending the indefensible, and its refusal to introspect and accept the ground realities. There is little or no reason to believe that it will bounce back unless it reassesses and reinvents itself. It is difficult to imagine Congress doing that in the short run. So it is safe to write off the Congress from the political space of Delhi, at least in the Assembly polls, expected in another two months.

That makes the Assembly polls a straight contest between a resurgent BJP and a defensive Aam Aadmi Party for the 70 seats of Delhi. Bucking the trend of smaller states of giving unstable governments, Delhi always gave a clear mandate ever since the State Assembly came into being in 1993. The only exception, of course, was the 2013 polls which threw a hung House after Congress was decimated and AAP substituted it effectively. This was also the first time in two decades when the monopoly of two parties was effectively broken.

As the entire focus and energy of AAP is now limited to Delhi, it has tried to reinvent itself and move away from its corruption, Jan Lokpal, bijli and paani (power and water) issues. As the threat of BJP wiping away all the gains of AAP and reducing it to a fringe player is always there, Kejriwal and his team is trying to become more accommodative. It has now launched a five-point programme for students and youth of Delhi ahead of the ensuing Delhi Assembly polls. It may not be getting the media attention as it got last year but as a part of its Delhi vision, the party has announced education loan for every student in Delhi after Class XII for a period of six years, including one year for job start and setting up of 20 new Delhi Government colleges in outer Delhi in partnership with villages.

The Modi effect was also visible in the announcement of “Delhi Skill Mission” through which it hopes to create five-seven lakh jobs in five years. Whatever the motivation, AAP has tried to reinvent itself and has used the medium of youth. It knows that every family has a youth in Delhi and they influence the decision making of the family. This is clever politics ahead of the polls. So when AAP leader Yogendra Yadav challenges BJP and the Congress to spell out their agenda for the youth, he has struck the right notes.

Skill development and income generation is another focus area of the party that has chalked out a well-thought out roadmap for the same. To bridge the skill-gap in the national Capital, the party will not only promote vocational education and skill development in schools and colleges, but also create innovative and private start up accelerators to provide support to entrepreneurs.

Apart from spelling out its agenda, AAP is first off the blocks to declare its list of candidates, giving them enough time to prepare for the polls. The remaining names would be declared anytime now and if there are changes, it can be made in the run up to the polls.

Clearly, Congress and BJP are far behind as of now. For AAP, Delhi Assembly polls are a matter of life and death. If it does well, it survives politically; if it doesn’t the epitaph writers are ready.

Basking in the glory of Modi, BJP hopes to do well and form the Government on its own by crossing the magic figure of 35. However, unlike the last time when Dr Harsh Vardhan was the chief ministerial candidate, the party has refrained from announcing any names. A section of the party believes that after the ENT specialist from Krishna Nagar, Dr Harsh Vardhan was divested of the Health Ministry and given a lighter charge in Modi Cabinet, he could well be brought in as the chief ministerial candidate again.

This will obviously give a fillip to the party’s campaign as he is acceptable to all sections in the party. Besides, this, BJP will also have to come out with a specific agenda for Delhi and not limit itself to the vision of Modi alone as local factors do play a significant role in the final outcome. To give a leg up to the preparations, BJP’s different morchas and cells are organising workers’ meetings in different areas and ongoing membership campaign is being intensified. But obviously, the trump card remains Modi and BJP has decided that the work he has initiated after coming to power in May would be made into a poll issue.

Coming back to the Congress, clearly it is nursing its wound, inflicted everywhere. It will take time for the party to recoup and martial its resources. Even the staunchest Congress supporter admits this. Sheila Dikshit, who lost last year, was just a symptom of the disease plaguing the party. She obviously can’t be the face of the party for the assembly polls. Ajay Maken would also prefer to remain in the AICC as General Secretary rather than head for the Assembly polls where a defeat is certain.

I earnestly hope that Congress organises a brain storming session spanning over several days where free and frank opinion is exchanged within the party and it comes out with ideas and strategy to suit the changing times in all States and the country.

It is too early to predict the outcome of Delhi polls. A lot of water will flow down the Yamuna in the next few weeks when the campaign picks up; a lot of dirty linen will be washed publicly. Several strategies will be drawn and then redrawn. Many skeletons will come out of the cupboards. For BJP, Delhi is no longer as important as it was in 2013 and will only cement its base for forward march, for AAP it’s a question of political revival and survival; and for Congress it will show whether it still has the spirit to fight or has even lost that. (November 17, 2014)


AAP treating Delhi polls as College elections




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


Perhaps Delhi would soon go in history books as the only state in the post emergency period where the clamour is to occupy the Opposition benches and avoid the treasury benches at all costs. I have not seen a state in recent memory where no one wants to form the government for the simple reason that being in Opposition is expected to pay bigger dividends than being in government.

Refusal to form the government in the national Capital by both BJP and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has strengthened the perception that both the parties treated the polls merely as an experiment to see their respective strength. The perception that the results are now being used as an excuse by AAP to flex its ideological muscle ahead of the Lok Sabha elections has also gained strength.

Of course, BJP cannot form the government as Congress can never support it nor will it ever in the next half a century anywhere in the country. AAP has also refused to support BJP even though both parties gained from the anti-Congress mood in the national Capital as the mandate was primarily for the parties diametrically opposed to the ruling Congress in the state as well as the Centre.

Coming to the possibilities, for BJP, there was only one option—form a minority government with 32 MLAs it has with Akali Dal and ensure absence of a few legislators of AAP at the time of trial of strength in the Assembly. Later on, it could have got a few MLAs to resign and then get them reelected on BJP symbol later on. It has been done in the past in other states and the practice is quite common in the old style of politics followed both by BJP and Congress.  But that is easier said than done in the national Capital as all eyes would be on the absentee legislators and TV cameras and sting operations would trace them to their hospital beds and foreign locations easily. After all, Delhi is not a remote state where no one is bothered about the political machinations to form government.

Obviously, central leadership of BJP would never take the risk before a high voltage Lok Sabha polls in which political corruption and acts of omission and commission have emerged as key issues. Moreover, having known Dr Harsh Vardhan, the chief ministerial candidate of BJP, I am sure he would never allow this. He is clearly not a Yeddyurappa in Karnataka. BJP has been in the Opposition in Delhi for the last 15 years and has developed a habit of donning the Opposition benches. It can wait and watch for another six months and this makes better political sense. If the result of the re-polls in the assembly is similar even after the Lok Sabha polls, I am sure BJP would explore all possible opportunity to form a government six months down the line.

But for AAP, forming government is extremely easy. Congress offered unconditional support going to the extent of giving a letter to the Delhi Lt Governor and there would have been no difficulty for the young party in assuming power in the Players Building, the headquarters of the state government. After all AAP fought elections with a manifesto, a vision for Delhi and could have tried to implement that with the outside support of Congress. If Congress tries to arm twist it at any point of time, it can easily blame the party, come out of government and force another election. That could have further discredited the Congress and brought sympathy for AAP. But AAP is shy of doing this and the reasons being cited are politically too shallow.

Not Only Congress, even BJP offered to support AAP, which was outrightly rejected again. No one can argue against the fact that in the national Capital, this was a mandate against Congress. Most of those who voted with a vengeance against the Congress in Delhi are now asking why both BJP and AAP can’t coordinate with each other to form a mechanism for a Common Minimum Programme. Some are suggesting that both can have a shot at power for two and a half years each on the basis of the CMP and the background of an anti Congress mandate. If this were not acceptable, BJP in any case is willing to give support to AAP.

Obviously, for Arvind Kejriwal sitting in Delhi Assembly and becoming the chief minister is not the ultimate option. Tasting success in his very first electoral outing, Kejriwal and AAP have now vision fixed higher, much higher. For them, assembly result of Delhi is a launching pad for bigger things in politics. That perhaps explains the stubborn attitude.

Much has been written on the stunning performance of AAP in Delhi Assembly polls. Fortunately or unfortunately, it did not participate in the assembly polls of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh or Mizoram so no one knows its strength or weakness beyond the borders of Delhi. Whether the fledgling party is an anarchist or one with a revolutionary idea which can forever change politics, only a stint at governance would tell. We cannot judge AAP on its intentions however noble it may be, on its manifesto however ideal or lofty it may be or on the newly elected MLAs and their humble background. Its idealism, plans and anti corruption agenda can be tested only from the Treasury Benches of the legislature and not the Opposition benches.

Now, Kejriwal has sought 10 days time from the LG to think about forming government with the support of Congress. He has written to the Presidents of both BJP and Congress seeking their clarifications on 18 points. Come on Mr Kejriwal. You are in serious electoral politics and not in a TV debate; do not make it an instrument for your convenience. When President’s rule is imposed in Delhi, people would only blame you for your intransigent approach.  After all President’s rule is simply Congress rule by proxy as LG has been appointed by the Congress regime in the Centre and he will rule Delhi all this while. Though he will never do it, what if the LG appoints the defeated Sheila Dikshit as one of his Advisors to rule Delhi? No one can prevent him from doing so. 

AAP of course is making spacious arguments not to come to power at all costs before the Lok Sabha polls. It should remember that the level of discussion should not be the one which is held in college canteen as the issue is not of a College union election but pertains to a serious issue of formation of government. Its approach is clearly forcing an election along with the parliamentary polls in May next year. At this juncture, it is difficult to say whether AAP is one election wonder as BJP and Congress would like to believe or it would continue to impress the people and become a harbinger of change.  But one thing is certain. There will be voter fatigue when assembly elections are forced on them within six months. They may go for a decisive mandate and that could be either BJP or AAP. If polls are held along with parliamentary polls, national issues will dominate electoral mind and this is bound to affect the prospects of the fledgling AAP. (December 16, 2013)

Battle for Delhi: Grandma versus Doctor Sahab


  
VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


Delhi promises to be a cliffhanger for the two main parties in the fray — BJP and Congress and whoever hits the six on the last ball may have a control on the legislative Assembly of the national Capital. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is being hyped and at best could be a spoiler for the two parties, getting support of may be a section of the youth and the non-committed BJP and Congress votes.

After having covered Delhi as a journalist for over a decade, writing on and observing the political trends, I always found the city rather non-political in nature.

Unlike States like Bihar, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and others where everyone preoccupation is politics, the average person in Delhi is least interested in the person who is going to sit in the Chief Minister’s office in Player’s Building, a tastefully done up highrise near ITO on the banks of the Yamuna.

In fact, people in Delhi are more interested in crime which is happening in their neighbourhood, public transport system which they use every day, drinking water and other aspects which affect their day-to-day activities rather than the political scenario at the local level. They are least bothered who is providing them and take it for granted that the quality of life will be good in these parameters.

The reason is simple. Majority of the people who inhabit Delhi now are migrants, have come to Delhi for economic opportunities and the quality of life which the city provides. This tribe of migrants is increasing by a rapid pace, pushing those who consider themselves to be “original Delhiites” on the fringes as far as percentage of population is concerned.

Even Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit, hailing from Punjab and contesting elections in UP, came to Delhi for political opportunity after having lost successive elections from Kannauj and even from East Delhi once. In a bid to cut to size old style leaders like HKL Bhagat and Sajjan Kumar, she was made the State Congress president and when onion prices hit the roof and severe infighting broke out in the ruling BJP, she won and became the Chief Minister for the first time in December 1998.

It is now 15 years for Dikshit, once a close confidante of the Gandhi family. Over the years, she has lost her clout with the first family of the Congress and vice-president Rahul Gandhi. But as the party cannot do without her grandmotherly, urban, suave and English speaking face and there was hardly any alternative except Ajay Maken, she continued with the job and now has the distinction of being the longest-serving Congress Chief Minister of any State.

But now it seems, her golden days are behind her. She has lost her charm, promoted dynastic politics like most in Congress in her son Sandeep, there is voter fatigue, corruption during Commonwealth Games, prices of onions, inflation and acts of omission and commission of the Central Government to haunt her during this battle.

The fact that Narendra Modi has addressed well-attended rallies in the Capital while those of Rahul saw an indifferent and sparse crowd could indicate the way political wind is blowing in the national Capital. Dikshit may have cleverly manipulated the delimitation exercise of the Assembly constituencies to suit Congress but it may not help beyond a point.

I have many anecdotes of Dikshit as a journalist. I will narrate only one. Once after a Press conference to mark her nine years as the Chief Minister, I found nothing much to write about.

Sipping coffee and thinking what to write after the conference was over, I saw Dikshit approaching me and another journalist. I asked her hadn’t she got bored with the same job for nine years. Spontaneously she said, “Yes, I have got bored.” She soon realised that this could be construed otherwise and her opponents in the party would target her. As an afterthought, she added later that “there are new challenges every day.” But I had got my headline. “Sheila Dikshit is bored of being CM”. The publication I was working with then bore the brunt of her anger after the news story was published and its advertisement was stopped for a few weeks. That is one facet of Dikshit who knows how to silence her critics.

Dikshit’s main rival Harsh Vardhan is different and is the aam aadmi (common man) of Delhi politics. He was the in-charge of BJP Haryana earlier and often visited Chandigarh in that capacity where I interacted with him. I have an anecdote with the BJP’s chief ministerial candidate as well.

Harsh Vardhan invited me for dinner at a five-star hotel in Central Delhi when he was the president of Delhi BJP to talk about politics, Delhi and the State of the party.

The moment I joined him after the day’s work, I told him frankly that his choice of a five-star hotel for dinner was unlike any politician from the RSS-BJP who would prefer to offer only chai-samosa to showcase their so-called simplicity.

“I am an ENT doctor in Krishna Nagar till afternoon and then the president of Delhi BJP for the remaining part of the day. I earn enough to afford a dinner at a five-star hotel from my private practice once in a while and invite a guest as well,” he told me.

The BJP could not have made a better choice than the non-controversial and simple ENT doctor as the chief ministerial candidate. He seems to be more than a match for Dikshit in getting the solid middle class votes.

Also, he hails from East Delhi, the area which has a huge density of population which if translated into votes, help the party and finally Harsh Vardhan to occupy the third floor spacious office in Player’s Building, which Dikshit has decorated beautifully with artwork and expensive paintings.

Arvind Kejriwal is the outsider in the race and it is early days for AAP in politics. Opinion polls do suggest that he would get a good number of seats and the percentage of votes would be in double digits. But I feel, he could have sympathisers in the upmarket areas of the city — New Delhi and parts of South Delhi. But this section hardly comes out to vote on polling day. Kejriwal and his party’s presence in the unauthorised colonies, JJ colonies, villages and the Outer Delhi areas are still limited.

What seems to be certain is that the margin of victory of either the BJP or Congress would be wafer thin. I would not place my money on either Dikshit or Harsh Vardhan given the fact that in Delhi opinions change overnight in this city. But given the dynamism of city politics, it seems the soft-spoken doctor has an edge.

As AAP is an untested electoral commodity, it has worked on the nerves of both the parties and could perhaps decide the winner in a closely contested battle. What is certain is that AAP will cut into the votes of both the parties, whichever party suffers the maximum damage by Kejriwal and company, would have to sit out.  (November 24, 2013) 

Wedding venues needed, govt tells DDA


Amitabh Shukla
New Delhi, December 12


After getting a large number of representations from citizen groups, RWAs and fathers of grooms and brides that there was a paucity of sites for wedding functions, the Delhi government on Tuesday asked the DDA to locate at least 1000 such sites at the earliest.


“Looking for a site for wedding has become a Herculean task in the city. People have been forced to postpone weddings due to extreme paucity of such sites,” said Delhi Urban development Minister A.K. Walia.



In his letter to the Vice Chairman of DDA, Walia conveyed the woes of the people of the city in organisaing wedding and other social functions in the aftermath of the closure of banquet halls and limited use of the farmhouses.


“If the issue is not addressed immediately, the situation would further aggravate leading to a chaotic situation,” the minister said. He said people are now forced to organise their wedding outside Delhi or postpone marriages with a hope to arrange suitable site in Delhi. “Many of the marriages and other social functions are now being held in the neighbouring UP and Haryana as they have no such restriction,” Walia wrote to DDA Vice Chairman Dinesh Rai.


“Several people have approached us as elected representative to seek assistance in booking of suitable venue for weddings in their family. We are finding ourselves helpless with the number of complaints increasing,” he added.


The Delhi government has suggested DDA to develop at least 15 such sites in each of the 70 Assembly Constituencies. Walia also exhorted DDA to give due consideration to the urgent need of the people and make it an integral part of planning in respect of Master Plan 2021.


In the limited venues available in the city, the ministers are hopping from one venue to the other these days in the “marriage season”. Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit had 11 wedding functions listed in her itinerary. Each of the six Cabinet ministers had at least a dozen wedding functions listed in their engagements. “This is a social and political obligation and we have to attend several wedding functions and parties every evening,” said a minister. (2006)

Delhi denizens celebrate New Year with Bacchus


Amitabh Shukla


New Delhi, December 31

Delhiites prefer to celebrate New Year saying “cheers” to the year gone by. Preliminary estimates by the liquor selling corporations and private shops suggests that booze worth Rs 10 crore was sold on Saturday – the last day of 2005. This, despite a hike of 5 to 10 percent on almost all the major brands of hard liquor.

On an average, the people of the city consume booze worth Rs three crore everyday. This does not include the figures of the restaurants, bars, hotels etc. The figure has shown an increasing trend for the last several years. “The collection jumps three to four fold on festive occasions like Holi, Diwali and New Year,” said an official of the Excise department. He said that last year, the figures for New Year eve was over Rs nine crores.

“The collection of Excise in the last six years has almost doubled. This means the increasing acceptance of liquor in social functions and growth in the number of consumers. The opening of liquor shops – over 500 now – has also helped,” said the official.

Even as the city witnesses a growth in the number of those who love their evening peg, the government has developed a cold feet on lowering the drinking age to 21 and permitting a restaurant in a five-star hotel to serve alcohol round the clock.

The note of the Excise Department suggesting the lowering of age to 21 from 25 was negated by the Delhi Cabinet recently. “The Cabinet felt that it would be politically incorrect to lower the age. It would be construed as if the government wants to promote liquor in the younger generation,” said an official. He said that the issue might be taken up at a future date when there are no problems for the government to tackle.


Revenue collection from Excise


2000-01: Rs 560 crore

2001-02: Rs 606 crore

2002-03: Rs 725 crore

2003-04: Rs 740 crore

2004-05: Rs 903 crore

2005-06 Estimated collection over Rs 1000 crore

(2005)

Monkeys: Problem of plenty for Delhi


Amitabh Shukla


New Delhi, November 14

Delhi's Forest Department is battling with a new problem in hand. They are clueless as to what to do with the monkeys handed over to them by the civic bodies – MCD, NDMC and the Cantonment Board.

The monkey shelter of the Forest Department in Rajokari, south-west Delhi houses over 200 monkeys. The simians have been enjoying the hospitality of the government department for a year now as none of the states of the country have agreed to take the Delhi monkeys. In the process, around Rs 15 lakh has been spent.

To add to the woes, another 200 monkeys have been handed over to the Forest officials now. “We have already a problem of plenty. This is adding to the problems,” admitted Environment and Forest Minister Raj Kumar Chauhan.

As a temporary measure, a new monkey shelter would be constructed adjacent to the existing one. “We are looking for a permanent solution to the problem,” said the minister. But nothing seems to be in sight.

The government even plans to approach the High Court so that it gets a favourable order directing one of the Indian states to take the monkeys, found in plenty in the Capital. Last time when the simians were relocated to Madhya Pradesh, it was at the behest of the courts. Government wants a similar order this time too to get rid of the “problem of plenty”. Chauhan said that the department would approach the judiciary soon.

Interestingly, for the relocation of around 225 monkeys to MP, an amount of Rs 2 lakh was given to the state government. This money came from the Centre to the Delhi government. In the latest twist to the tale, several state governments have even refused financial package for the relocation of the monkeys. One of the state governments wrote back to the Delhi government saying that they already have enough monkeys and cannot do with more. (2005)

old issues dominate Delhi elections


2003 ASSEMBLY POLLS


Amitabh Shukla


New Delhi

There are no burning or pressing issues in the forthcoming assembly elections. For both the two main rivals - Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) - beating around the bush and digging out old issues is the only mantra for success. While some of the issues are common to both the parties, on others they have contradictory claims.

Regularisation of unauthorised colonies: Both parties are for regularisation. However, the Congress is insisting that the scheme for regularisation should be the one formulated during the Prime Ministership of Indira Gandhi. They have demanded that no development fee be charged from those whose colonies are to be regularised. However, the plan formulated by the Urban Development Ministry proposes to levy a small sum for regularisation. The issue hangs in balance and nothing has been done.

Statehood: Congress is opposed to the statehood plan of the central government. The party wants a complete control on the affairs of the state on the pattern of states like UP, Bihar or Maharashtra. It wants the Delhi Police also in the new state. The Home Ministry, however, has delinked police from the statehood bill leading to impasse.

Delhi Metro: Though only a small section between Shahdara and Tri Nagar has been opened for traffic, both the parties are laying their claims to it and want to make it a poll issue. As the Metro is under the join venture of the state government and the Centre, the rival claim is likely to neutralise the issue.

Building of flyovers: The BJP is claiming that the building of flyovers all over Delhi was conceptualised during its regime (1993-98). It shows newspaper reports and plans of the various agencies constructing flyovers to buttress its point. The Congress rubbishes the claim and is saying that it was their brainchild.

Opening of new schools, hospitals and colleges: The BJP will make it a major poll issue. The party leaders allege that in the last five years, no new schools, hospitals or colleges were opened in Delhi though the population increased by leaps and bounds. The Congress has little answer to the charges though they cite figures to claim that they were indeed built.

Shortage of milk, prices of onions and outbreak of dengue: The BJP blames the Congress on these fronts. They allege that the Congress is squarely responsible for shortage of milk, increase in the prices of onions and vegetables and the outbreak of dengue. The party is keenly watching the develoments and if the situations worsens, it would make it a poll plank. The Congress on the other hand claims that the situation in under control and things would improve in a few days.

Good governance : This is the main plank of the ruling Congress. The party says that they would project the achievements of the Sheila Dikshit government to get votes and appeal for another terms for the party. They cite the ratings of the Chief Minister and claim that Delhi is one of the best governed states of the country. BJP has countered the Congress claim saying no developmental activity has been carried out.

Condition of roads: The BJP says that the condition of roads in Delhi had never been so bad in the last 50 years. They say that potholes and stagnating water was all around the Capital. The Congress, on the other hand, points out to the good monsoons and says that it was the “work of nature” and things improved as soon as the monsoons ended.

Privatisation of Power: The BJP has smelt a rat in the entire episode and has repeatedly alleged that underhand dealings took place in the process of privatisation. The party alleges a scam of crores. The Congress says that privatisation has improved the power situation in the Capital and claims that scam is a figment of imagination of the BJP leaders.

Water shortage: The BJP has raised the issue for the last six months. They say that the people of Delhi are thirsty and nothing is being done. The Congress in turn blames Haryana for the water shortage. The party claims that its government had cleared the Sonia Vihar project which would immensely help Delhi overcome the water shortage.

Bhagidari scheme: The interaction between the government and the people is being cited by the Congress as a major achievement and as a poll plank. The party says that for the first time, the people had a responsive government. The BJP counters it by saying that bhagidari scheme was implemented only with the “privileged Delhiites and the moneyed sections” and not with the majority of people who are underprivileged and living in the JJ and resettlement colonies. (2003)

Sheila given time-frame to improve services


Amitabh Shukla


New Delhi, July 23

The Congress high command on Saturday gave a time-frame of a month to the Sheila Dikshit government to improve the power situation in the Capital and restore the faith of the consumers.

The directions came in almost two hour long meeting of the Coordination committee of the party, headed by AICC general secretary and in-charge of party affairs in Delhi, Ashok Gehlot. To monitor the power situation closely and thrash out other contentious issues another meeting of the coordination committee has been called in the next 2-3 days.

Party sources said that Dikshit had come well prepared in the meeting. She had the report card of the government and its achievements on various fronts. However, due to the gravity of the power situation and directions of Congress president Sonia Gandhi on the issue, almost the entire discussion was focused on power. The AICC leaders asked Dikshit to improve the situation so that it is “visible” to the Delhi consumers.

Dikshit was also pulled up for blaming the Centre on the law and order situation in the Capital. Sources said that the high command took exception to the statement made by Dikshit on the recent case of rape in a moving car. Dikshit had said that law and order was with the Centre and women were not feeling safe in the city.

The Delhi leaders raised the issue of industries in the meeting and said that the government had failed to notify the industrial areas which have 70 percent concentration of industries.

Due to the differences arising between the party and the government on some issues, it was decided that the coordination committee would meet at least once every month. The committee has two AICC leaders – Gehlot and Janardan Dwivedi, chief minister Sheila Dikshit, Two Delhi ministers – A.K. Walia and Raj Kumar Chauhan and three from the organisation – DPCC president Ram Babu Sharma, Ajay Maken and Tajdar Babar.

This was the first meeting of the coordination committee which was formed after Dikshit had walked out of a DPCC Executive Committee meeting in April leading a political crisis of sorts within the party.

Gehlot said that the meeting was called to discuss the issues and problems of the city. On the power problems, he said that complaints of fast running meters, erratic supply and billing complaints had been received and a strategy is being chalked out to pressurise the discoms to improve the situation. (2005)

Ruling party faces internal trouble


Amitabh Shukla


New Delhi, April 24

The first major trouble for Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit within her own party has realigned the political equations in Delhi. Every Congress leader and worker is now being seen as either pro Sheila or pro dissidents. This has severely dented the image of the party in the Capital where the Congress has won every election in the recent past.

"What the BJP could not do in six and a half years, the detractors have managed to do in six days," said a senior Congress leader referring to a series of incidents of the last few days. Waiting for a call from the party president Sonia Gandhi, Dikshit herself has said she does not want to continue as an "unwelcome guest".

When Dikshit became the DPCC president and then the CM, she was seen as the unifying factor in the perpetually faction ridden organisation. Having the backing of the party high command, she united the various factions and made the party a force to reckon with. Her suave and sophisticated approach to politics with development the key factor made her a darling of the middle class. No wonder, she rode the anti incumbency factor and brought the party back to power in the December 2003 assembly polls.

Sources close to the CM say that her detractors are not even united on any issue except "relentless anti Sheila tirade". "Most of them do not see eye to eye with each other and cannot even elect a leader amongst them," said a MLA.

Another MLA, considered close to her, said that the entire campaign has been pre planned and orchestrated on behalf of certain central leaders who have an "ego problem" with Dikshit. "Good governance and image of the party should be the key criterion instead of petty squabbles," he said.

DPCC president Ram Babu Sharma said that the question is not of leadership change at the moment. "We just want to apprise the party president how the party workers and the MLAs have been marginalised," he said. Sharma maintained that Dikshit should not have walked out of the executive meeting and alleged the presence of outsiders. The DPCC president is not tired of saying that the party is bigger than any individual.


Dissidence


The first signs of trouble for Dikshit came in the CLP meeting before the Budget session of the assembly. The CM was targeted by a couple of MLAs for rise in power bills, scarcity of water, opening of liquor shops despite opposition from MLAs, centralisation of transfers and postings, implementation of VAT, bureaucracy becoming all powerful and alleged marginalisation of the MLAs in the decision making process.

The grievances were under the carpet but came out in the open during the Executive Committee meeting of the DPCC last week. Even as Dikshit walked out fearing a confrontation between her supporters and the detractors, she continued to be targeted by several MLAs.

Sources say that the roots of the dissidence does not lie in her walking out of the meeting or the water, power issues but alleged failure in meeting the high expectations of the MLAs. Some of them want a reshuffle of the Cabinet to get ministerial berths while others want posts in the boards and corporations. Others want plum postings for their favorite officials. As she did not give in to the blackmail and pressure tactics, the executive committee meeting was used as a platform to target her in a systematic manner.

Even the party high command made attempts to marginalise her role. When she rode back to power in December 2003, she was made to wait for ten days before being given the go ahead. Soon the Lt. Governor was appointed without taking her into confidence. Her bete noire Chaudhary Prem Singh too was made the Speaker despite her opposition. Then came the post of DPCC president which was given to her ardent critic Ram Babu Sharma. (2005)

Political opposition to liquor shops


Amitabh Shukla

New Delhi, March 4

Fierce and motivated political opposition is set to derail Delhi government's liberal excise policy. One newly opened liquor shop in east Delhi has already become a casualty and two more are likely to be closed down shortly.

Interestingly, not only the BJP but also the Congress MLAs have come out openly against the policy of opening new liquor shops all over the city. Two Congress MPs – Jagdish Tytler (Union Minister) and Sandeep Dikshit too have expressed their displeasure over opening of new shops.

Excise and Finance Minister A.K. Walia said that the government would keep the public opinion in mind before allowing sale of liquor in a new area. "We give licenses to a particular shop only after it complies with the laid down criteria," said the minister.

The political opposition began after the government went on a shop-opening spree in this excise year and decided to do away with the NOC from the local MLA. More than 70 liquor shop were opened in a span of over six months. Due to the new shops, the revenue of the excise department jumped and it was more than Rs 150 crore from what was expected during this part of the year.

Congress MLA Shadi Ram, who is protesting for the removal of a liquor shop in Shahzada Bagh for a week, said that we do not know for how long we would have to sit on a dharna for the closure of the shop. He is not alone, at least half a dozen Congress MLAs have given representation to the government. The BJP state president Harsh Vardhan has demanded an immediate rollback of the liberal excise policy.

The government is in a Catch 22 situation due to the political protest. The Licenses (L-52) is given after the shop owner deposits Rs 5 lakh in license fee and 10 lakh in bank guarantee. "If we cancel the license, we would be accused of being negligent," admitted a senior official. The excise department has tried to find a way out. It is trying to take an undertaking from the shops so that they shift to another area where there is no protest.

Ironically, the political opposition to the liberal policy is taking place even though the newly opened shops have fulfilled the stipulated criteria. "Some of the MLAs are fuelling protests for their narrow political ends and for getting the powers to issue NOC," said a senior government official.

Conditions for grant of license

Grant of L-52 Licence:

This is meant for the private shops that want to open a liquor shop in Delhi. The government ended the monopoly of the government owned corporations two years ago and allowed private sale of liquor. So far 92 shops have got L-52 license.

Broadly, any premises to be suitable for opening of liquor vend should meet the following requirement:-

1. The vend premises should be in a pucca building with minimum floor area of 300 sq ft on a floor and located in commercial or in a rural area.

2. The vend premises are inspected by the site selection committee. The Committee inspects the shop to ascertain that the premises meet the requirement of the following excise rules. No liquor shop would be located within a distance of 75 metres from major educational institutions, religious places, hospitals with fifty beds and above.

3. The Excise collector would ascertain public opinion in the area before granting L-52 license.

It is this clause which the MLAs are citing for the closure of shops in their respective areas

(2005)

MLAs do not know what to do with laptops


Amitabh Shukla


New Delhi, March 11


All the 70 MLA of Delhi have got a brand new laptop. However, most of them do not know what to do with it. While a majority of them do not how to operate it, for the others it would be another "showpiece" in their offices or drawing rooms.


"I do not know how to operate it and have not taken it as yet," admitted a frank Rama Kant Goswami, MLA from Patel Nagar and Chief Whip of the Congress. He said the machine is hardly of any use to him. Sadar Bazar MLA Rajesh Jain said that if they start working on laptops and neglect the issues of water and power in their constituencies, the voters would throw them out next time.


MLA from Bhalswa-Jehangirpuri, Jile Singh Chauhan, however, claimed that he know how to operate the system. "I have already used it for drafting a letter to the Congress President demanding full statehood for Delhi," he said. Chauhan claimed that the laptop was of great help to them in drafting letters and getting work for the constituencies done.


The Delhi government had given laptop to the legislators in the last term of the assembly too. While the first time MLAs got the machine just by flashing their IDs, signing a form and submitting a photograph, all those who got the largesse in the last term had to submit the old laptops to get the brand new ones. A Congress MLA said the staff giving the laptops was asking for proof that they were indeed MLAs. "This is very humiliating and I refuse to accept it," he said.


The laptops have been manufactured by IBM and are powered by Pentium IV. The MLAs are getting a printer along with the laptops. The cost of one such machine is Rs 73 thousand.

All the six ministers and the Chief Minister too would get the laptops. One of the ministers sent his PA to get the computer. "Even if I don't get time to use it, somebody in my family will use it," he said. (2005)

Officers to wear name tags!



Amitabh Shukla


New Delhi, September 19


The direction of Delhi Chief Secretary S. Reghunathan to the officers and staff working in the Players' Building, the seat of Delhi government, to wear their name tags on their chest has caught the babus by surprise. Most of them resent being identified like police constables, staff of the hotel and restaurant industry and drivers and conductors of DTC and Blueline buses of Delhi.


"This is an impractical step and won't discipline any officer," said an official. The circular with the direction was sent to the departmental heads recently. Another officer said that the name plate on their offices should be sufficient to identify the officer concerned and no such order was needed. The officers against the move pointed out that the practice of putting name tags should be limited to those who are in uniform. "The bureaucrats are not supposed to have any uniform and a name plate on the chest would look very odd," said another officer.


Reghunathan himself clarified that this order was not meant for the senior officers. "This is for the lower ranking officers and other staff who need to have an identification tag," the Chief Secretary said. According to the Chief Secretary, this move was meant to bring transparency in government and facilitation of public interaction with the government officers.

So it now seems that the steel frame of the country, IAS and their close counterparts, DANICS officers after all won't have to display their names on their chest.


However, for others working in the Delhi government departments, it is time to visit the nearest shop to find out the name plate of the right size, get it painted and pin it on their chest before coming to office. The general public who have to interact with the low ranking officials will be delighted to find that the lowly clerk and section officer who refuses to divulge his name will now have to do it and then if they have access, they can complain to the higher officials that their file was being delayed by a particular staff member. (2004)