Showing posts with label Punjab. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Punjab. Show all posts

CAPT LEADS CONG'S LANDSLIDE WIN IN PUNJAB




Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh  

Riding on a massive two-term anti-incumbency against the ruling SAD-BJP regime, a resurgent Congress under Capt Amarinder Singh won a landslide in Punjab, decimating the Aam Aadmi Party in the process and its dream of emerging as a centrist national alternative to the Congress.

In what is a silver lining for the Congress in an otherwise gloomy scenario, the party won a massive 77 of the 117 seats, a remarkable feat for a winner in the last several decades.

While the loss of SAD-BJP was a foregone conclusion given its unpopularity due to a record 10 continuous years in power, the loss of AAP has dashed it national ambitions. The Arvind Kejriwal led party was hoping to win Punjab and spread nationally ahead of the 2019 elections-a dream, now badly shattered.

"This is a mandate for stability and progress as well as good governance," Capt Amarinder said in his first media interaction after victory, listing education and health as two areas of immediate concern for his Government. He will be formally elected as CLP leader and Chief Minister in a meeting of the newly elected MLAs in Chandigarh on Sunday. Many observers in Punjab see this as a victory of the Captain and his aggressive style of campaigning, bolstered by advice from Prashant Kishor rather than to the grand old party itself.

“It is like the emergence of a new regional party under Capt Amarinder,” said an old timer.

For the 89-year-old poll veteran and Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, the dream of becoming the Chief Minister for sixth time was dashed. He, however, was humble in defeat, accepting the people's verdict and offering full cooperation to Amarinder Singh to work for the rights of Punjab. "We will discuss the reasons will threadbare at the core committee meeting of the party. I will also ask SAD President Sukhbir Singh Badal to set up a committee to look into the reason behind party's failure in the polls,” the patron of the party said.

Both Congress and AAP had marked the ruling combine well and from the beginning blamed it for the entire woes of the state, be it drug menace, unemployment, shift of industries, demonetisation, personality cult around the Badal family, nepotism, promoting dynastic rule and what not.

To make the matters worse for the Akali Dal, most of the charges stuck as the party was unable to ward off the attack on it. AAP's Gurpreet Ghuggi too accepted defeat and offered the cadres that it will introspect on the reasons. But what stumped the pollsters was the margin of defeat. A party which was supposed to be a contender for power, came a distant second.

"People wanted experience and did not want to experiment," said a Congress leader.  He said AAP was flirting with danger in the border State with Sikh radicals and other extremists, championing its cause.  "The minority community (read Hindus) deserted the AAP in a big way and contributed to its defeat, the Congress leader added.

AAP insiders said it was a combination of factors. They pointed out that the Dera Sacha Sauda supported Akali Dal at the last moment and it helped them in the Malwa belt, affected AAP's chances. "These were the votes going to AAP, but went to SAD," an AAP leader said.

In addition, a bomb blast in Bhatinda just before the polling, was seen by many as the return of the dark days of terrorism. They wanted stability and with SAD ruled out, Congress was the only viable alternative.   (March 12, 2017)

PUNJAB ELECTION TOO CLOSE TO CALL

 
Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

The first ever triangular fight in Punjab in several decades has thrown open several political possibilities in the border State as the electorate go for their choice for the next five years on Saturday.

Battling an extremely strong two-term anti incumbency, the ruling Shiromani Akal Dal and the BJP have ceded considerable space to the rookie Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), particularly in the crucial Malwa belt having 69 of the 117 Assembly segments.

A late announcement of support by the Sirsa (Haryana) based Dera Sacha Sauda to the SAD-BJP combine is cutting both ways and is expected to neutralise the gains of the ruling combine. The hardline Sikhs are opposed to the Dera ever since its head, Gurmeet Ram Rahim, was allegedly seen in a dress similar to Guru Gobind Singh in 2007 and are strongly opposing the support extended by the Dera, saying the SAD is “shedding its panthic colours” by taking such support and now has little regard for Sikh sentiments.

Interestingly, after the Dera support to SAD-BJP, the AAP has managed to get the support of the radical Sikhs who were still undecided whom to vote for. Already getting the support of the fringe radicals, extremists and others who were opposed to the moderate Akali style of politics, the latest development seems to have consolidated the panthic (religious) votes for AAP which hitherto went to SAD.

“The AAP is the new Akali Dal,” summed up a senior party leader in Chandigarh, adding that the aspirations of the Sikhs in the new millennium was consistently ignored by the Akali Dal. No wonder SAD, claiming to be the custodian of the Sikh heritage and religion ever since it fought against the Mahants to take control of the Gurdwaras in the early last century, is feeling threatened like never before. If AAP manages to encroach cadre votes of the Akalis, the party would be headed for its worst ever performance in decades. What is more, this would considerably damage its prospects in future elections.

What eroded the cadre vote bank of the Akalis was a series of desecration incidents of Guru Granth Sahib in the last two years and the perception of the common Sikhs that the Government did not do anything to arrest the culprits and prevent the incidents. The developmental plank of the SAD-BJP alliance did not work as it should have given the high expectations of the people in the second term.

The controversy of five high priests exonerating Gurmeet Ram Rahim of blasphemy in October 2015 (allegedly at the instance of the government) and the Panj Piyaras (five beloved) rising in revolt against the decision further eroded the credibility of the Akalis amongst the common Sikhs. The issue remains unresolved even as AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal tried to fish in troubled waters by meeting the Panj piyaras in the run up to the polls.

The Congress, on the other hand, had everything going for it in these polls after a long time. In recent years, the party is going to the polls on a common cause and projecting a united face. All factional and at times suicidal fights within the party came to an end as the larger cause was the defeat of the Akalis.

Political leaders in the State point out that the SAD-BJP Government had let lose a regime of persecution of their political opponents like the Congress through the “halqa in-charge” system. In this, the halqa in-charge was either a MLA or a defeated MLA or one appointed by SAD in an area co-terminus with the jurisdiction of a Sub-Divisional Police Officer (SDPO). He was the one who issued directions to police to file cases against opponents and their family members.

Due to this regressive system of halqa in-charge, which finds no parallel in any other State, except perhaps the CPI-M in West Bengal during their heydays, the anti-incumbency against the Akalis increased manifold in the rural areas and Congress found itself to be a natural beneficiary. 

What helped the Congress further was appointment of Capt Amarinder Singh first as State Congress president and in the run-up to the polls as chief ministerial candidate of the party.

Amarinder reached out to his opponents within like Partap Singh Bajwa and Rajinder Kaur Bhattar and had a complete control on ticket distribution. The entry of Navjot Singh Sidhu in the party, though a little late in the day, energised the Congress cadres. Sidhu may not be a grassroots politician or may not last in politics as he is more of an intellectual asset but his crowd connect is immense. What Bhagwant Mann has done to AAP due to his crowd connect, Sidhu did for the Congress. The Punjabis loved his one liners against the father and son duo of Parkash Singh Badal and Sukhbir Badal and he campaigned energetically throughout the State.

The BJP, a junior partner of the Akali Dal for a long time, lost the bus. Even though the party had little say in the alliance government and could never ever get the post of Deputy Chief Minister, the baggage of the big brother weighed heavy on it. Many in the party admit that In Punjab this time round, the party should have gone alone like it did in Maharashtra. “They could have projected Sidhu as a leader and parted ways with the Akalis six months ago,” said a senior party leader. He said Sidhu’s fight was against the Badals and not the BJP as such. 

Many in Punjab vouch that the main fight is between Congress and AAP in the state and SAD-BJP alliance is a distant third. Though support of Dera Sacha Sauda would help the ruling alliance in Malwa, but only partially. AAP could take a lead in Malwa belt on Congress. But it would be in Majha (Border districts) and Doaba (districts between Sutlej and Beas)  where the real battle would be fought. If AAP makes inroads into the dalit belt of Doaba and get a few seats in Majha, Punjab could go its way. Contrarily, if Congress takes control of Majha and manages its hold on the dalits of Doaba, besides a reasonable seats in Malwa, the State could go its way.

“It’s  a cliffhanger…very close,” that is the verdict of most of the political analysts in the State Capital Chandigarh.  (February 4, 2017)  

SGPC VS PANJ PYARAS: A TALE OF PARDON & POLL




Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

Reminiscent of the dark days of terrorism, confusing signals are emanating from the Sikh religious establishments and the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) after the Panj Pyaras (five beloved ones of the Guru) summoned the head priests of all the five Sikh Takhts (seats) on their decision to pardon Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh in a case of blasphemy. 

The crisis triggered in early October this year when the ruling Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), through religious body SGPC, prevailed on the five high priests in getting pardon for the Dera chief on blasphemy in which he apparently wore an attire similar to that of Guru Gobind Singh way back in 2007. The SAD, which is eyeing for electoral gains in the crucial Malwa belt — a stronghold of the Dera — ahead of the Assembly elections in early 2017, it thought that getting a pardon for Dera chief would result in rich electoral dividend.

Following the pardon, there were clear signs of unrest in the Sikh community and the SGPC, controlled by SAD, with dissenting voices emerging from all over the State and numerous Sikh organisations-hardliners as well as the liberals. The reaction forced the five head priests to cancel the pardon given to the Dera Sacha Sauda chief. 

Even though the head priests — Gurbachan Singh (Akal Takht), Mal Singh (Kesgarh Sahib), Gurbaksh Singh (Damdama Sahib), Iqbal Singh (Patna Sahib) and Ram Singh (Hazoor Sahib) cancelled their decision to pardon the Dera chief, the Panj Pyaras rejected their U-turn. They claimed that the flip flop had hurt the sentiments of the Sikhs and the five head priests need to explain their conduct of pardoning Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh in the first place — something which is unprecedented in Sikh history. 

The five head priests were summoned to Akal Takht, the supreme temporal seat of Sikhism.The Panj Pyaras owe their genesis to 1699 when Khlasa panth was established by Guru Gobind Singh and since then, they were mainly into conducting religious ceremony for baptism of the Sikhs and lead the Nagar keertan on important religious occasions. They were also authorised to mark religious punishment for the baptized Sikhs who do not follow the tenets of the religion. 

But for the first time in Sikh history, the Panj Pyaras - immaculately dressed with sword drawn and seen leading religious contingents - came out of their shell and said they were authorised to summon the head priests of the five Takhts. The moment the hitherto low profile Panj Pyaras decided to summon the head priests, the SGPC suspended them and transferred three to Sikh Mission Office in Hapur, UP, and two to Kurukshetra in Haryana saying they had exceeded their brief. SGPC president Avtar Singh Makkar said the Panj Pyaras’ decision to summon Takhts’ heads is aimed at causing dissension and division in the community and is also against office rules of the gurdwara body. 

Technically, Panj Pyaras are appointed by the cash rich SGPC and report to this religious body. But Sikh scholars argued that when the Panj Pyaras take a decision, it has to be followed and suspension does not mean anything. They said that Akal Takht takes a call on the wayward behavior of Sikhs and determines a punishment but when the head priest himself takes a wrong decision, Panj Pyaras can summon the priest concerned. Sikh scholars cite the incident of 1699 when the tenth and last master, Guru Gobind Singh obeyed the directions of the Panj Pyaras to leave Anandpur Sahib after the Mughal army surrounded the town. 

But the five head priests refused the summons and did not appear before the Panj Pyaras --- Satnam Singh Khanda, Tirlok Singh, Mangal Singh, Satnam Singh and Major Singh on October 23. Taking a stand, the Panj Pyaras asked the SGPC to remove the Jathedars of five Takhts (seats of Sikh religion), alleging that they had “created furore and restlessness in the community”.

As the stalemate continued on Saturday, hectic parleys were made throughout the day and several SGPC members met Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal to build a consensus on the contentious issue. All eyes are now on the crucial emergency meeting of the SGPC on October 26, to be held in Chandigarh which would discuss the act of the Panj Pyaras of removing the five jathedars.  (October 25, 2015)

BJP, Akali Dal flex muscle in Punjab


VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA     


Assembly elections in Punjab may be a little over two years away but the political manoeuvrings, with an eye on possible permutations and combinations have already started. The game of one-upmanship is expected to get all the more intense this year as BJP, the alliance partner in the Government, is looking for a place under the sun on its own, without the strong crutches of Shiromani Akali Dal.

The posturing for break-up from BJP in Punjab is real. It has all the ingredients which broke the quarter of a century old alliance with Shiv Sena in Maharashtra. Almost every BJP leader whom you talk to in Punjab is ready for the eventuality, motivated and hopeful as they are due to the emergence of brand Modi all over the country. They hope and genuinely believe that the Modi magic which worked so well in neighbouring Haryana, Jammu region of J&K and in Rajasthan in both Lok Sabha and Assembly polls and in Himachal Pradesh in the Lok Sabha elections, would work wonders in Punjab as well. These are the States with which Punjab shares its boundary.

No wonder Punjab politics is going for a rapid tailspin. BJP is trying to occupy the Opposition space despite being in the Government as it has been consistently questioning several decisions of the Punjab Government for a while now.  It is also looking to cash in on possible anti-incumbency votes against the Government after a possible split with Akali Dal, perhaps a year before the Assembly polls. Moreover, BJP is also looking into the possibility of some senior Congress and Akali leaders joining the party to give it a foothold in the rural and semi-urban areas of the State.

Congress does not know how to react to the emerging ground situation due to the cold vibe between the alliance partners SAD-BJP and also BJP eating into the urban vote base of the party. Even though Congress in Punjab is split between Capt Amarinder Singh and Partap Singh Bajwa, both have a genuine fear. They do not want BJP to split from Akali Dal as this would divide the anti-incumbency votes which Congress hopes to pocket alone. In fact, Punjab remains the only hope for Congress high command in the near future for a national comeback as this is one State where the vote base of the party has not shrunk beyond a point. Perhaps, party Vice President Rahul Gandhi kept this in mind while nominating his Giderbaha MLA, Amarinder Singh Raja Warring as the President of the Indian Youth Congress. 

But what has come as a surprise to many is the acrimonious relationship between ruling partners Akali Dal and BJP soon after Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister. While BJP got a booster dose of confidence following the results, Akali Dal felt slighted soon after as it felt it was not kept in loop in decision making on matters pertaining to Punjab.

When Manmohan Singh was the Prime Minister, Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal had made it a habit of meeting him once a month with a list of demands which he then tom-tommed in Punjab. The situation has now changed as Modi preferred to meet Badal only in official meetings with other Chief Ministers of the country rather than having one to one with him and acceding to his list of demands.  Badal might have hoped that with his alliance partner at the helm in New Delhi, he will have easier access and more concessions for the cash strapped State. Nothing of that sort has happened as some in the Akali Dal now say that Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister was more receptive to the demands of the State rather than Modi.

With drugs issue dominating politics of the State, the relationship has only turned bitter. Top leaders of Punjab BJP demanded the resignation of Bikram Majithia when he was summoned by Enforcement Directorate for questioning, triggering protest from SAD which retaliated by saying that the party was not following coalition dharma. The relationship of mistrust started after verbal volleys of former Amritsar MP, Navjot Singh Sidhu. The Akali Dal thought that despite Sidhu repeatedly targeting the father son duo of Parkash Singh Badal and Sukhbir Singh Badal, top BJP leadership never reprimanded Sidhu. The SAD leadership thinks that, he was allowed to attack the chief minister and the Deputy Chief Minister along with Revenue Minister and Majha strongman Bikram Majithia as part of some hidden political strategy.

As Akali Dal too fears that it may well have to go alone in the next polls, it has started hardening its stand on the so called “panthic” agenda or the issues pertaining specifically to the Sikh community, mostly religious issues. So far, the party under the moderate Sukhbir Badal had desisted from such issues and had even tried to broad base its support by fielding several Hindus. The Sant Samaj and Jathedars of the Takhts are gradually raising issues which had been lying dormant for a while and it’s no secret that they are influenced by Akali Dal.

One of the issues is the release of Sikh prisoners in various jails of the country. Supporting the Sant Samaj, Badal has written to Home Minister Rajnath Singh giving a list of all the prisoners, accused of terror acts. He wants them released saying they have completed their sentence. BJP does not agree to this and has never supported Akali Dal on the issue.

Similarly, there is a black list of around 65 Sikhs, maintained by the ‘Foreigners Division’ of the home ministry which Akali Dal wants to be scrapped or reviewed. Sukhbir Badal has already written to the Home Minister saying this was causing harassment to Sikhs because it was full of discrepancies and inaccuracies. BJP is in no hurry on the issue as it has been terming those in the list as terrorists. While the Akali Dal wants this list to be done away with, Punjab BJP wants it to continue as it is. BJP believes it has names of several terror accused and leaders against whom there are cases in the country.

The third issue of conflict is the demand of the organisations supported by the Akali Dal for an amendment in Article 25(B) of the Constitution. This says that reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jain or Buddhist religion, and the reference to Hindu religious institutions shall be construed accordingly. BJP leaders in the state say that they won’t be surprised if the SAD officially asks the Centre to bring a Constitutional amendment in Article 25(B) demanding to separate identity to Sikhs.

Another possible conflict zone is the attempt of RSS and its affiliates for what they call Ghar Wapsi (conversion) programme in Punjab. A function has already been held in Amritsar district where Mazhabi (lower caste and dalit) Sikh families who had converted to Christianity were converted back to Sikhism under the watchful eye of the RSS. A similar function was scheduled for Bathinda but due to the Opposition of local Akali leaders, no Christian family turned up. Such ghar wapasi programmes have invited the ire of the chief minister who has openly voiced his concern for conversions in the country. He says that the Sikh Gurus were against any conversion and fought against it all their lives.

What is clear from the posturing of Akali Dal and BJP in Punjab is that both are looking to flourish without the support of each other. Both parties traditionally complement each other in the state with BJP having support base in the urban Hindus and the Akali Dal being primarily a rural party with the support of Jat Sikhs and the landholders. This combination has served them well for a long time now but now leaders say that the formula may no longer work as both the parties have breached the support base of each other in recent months.

Interestingly BJP has been electorally successful whenever long term alliance partners have left the party. In Bihar when JDU left the 17-year old alliance, BJP gained. In Maharashtra where Shiv Sena chartered an independent path ahead of the assembly polls after leaving the 25-year old alliance, BJP again made rapid strides. It hopes for a similar electoral gains in Punjab and that perhaps explains the storm in the relationship of the two parties. (January 5, 2015)

SGPC Row: Dialogue, Consensus and Court intervention needed



VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


Better sense and wisdom finally prevailed, though it’s temporary, in the standoff between the rival factions of Sikh leaders in Punjab and Haryana over the controversial bifurcation of management of gurdwaras in the two States. The intervention of the Akal Takht has brought in a temporary truce even though no one for sure knows how the events will unfold if both the warring parties insist on holding on to their turf.

The needless controversy started after Haryana thought that it could play the Sikh card to woo the 7-8 per cent Sikh population in the State ahead of the Assembly polls, barely three months away. Shattered by the outcome of the Lok Sabha polls where it was practically wiped away from the State and fearing a repetition in Assembly polls, Bhupinder Singh Hooda Government came down to crass opportunism and did not hesitate even for a moment when it dumped its secular credentials.

The series of events starting from a political meeting in Kaithal on July 6, session of the Haryana Assembly on July 11 where the controversial Bill carving out separate Haryana Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (HSGPC) was passed to the hurry which the Governor Jagannath Pahadia showed in giving his assent on July 14, clearly suggested that it was a political game rather than a well thought out administrative move for welfare of the Sikh community in Haryana. Then it took only a few hours to publish a gazette notification, something quite unusual as far as making laws are concerned. I am sure, never in the 48-year-old history of Haryana, such hurry had been shown in passing any Bill and making it a law.

Ironically, Congress Government in Haryana has been citing the “will of the Sikhs” in the State as a reason for the undue hurry in which the entire legislative drama was enacted. Come on, people are wiser to accept such a logic. Less than two years ago when SGPC (the mini-parliament of Sikh religious affairs) elections for 11 seats of Haryana was held, those favouring a separate panel for management of gurdwara, including the newly appointed ad-hoc president of HSGMC, Jagdish Singh Jhinda, lost the polls. There was an overwhelming support to keep the management of Gurdwaras under SGPPC as the Shiromani Akali Dal had swept the polls. The will of Haryana Sikhs was clear. They wanted their gurdwaras to function under the control of Amritsar-based SGPC.

The entire episode exposed the politics of Congress which Punjab’s Shiromani Akali Dal dubbed as divide and rule. Congress’ avowed politics is to keep away from religious politics lest it affects its secular-Left ideology. But this is only theoretical and in practice, the grand old party interferes in religious affairs through parties which it supports directly or indirectly.

In Haryana, Congress extended support to the factions of Jhinda and Didar Singh Nalwi and helped all those who were and are opposed to the Parkash Singh Badal and Sukhbir Singh Badal-led Shiromani Akali Dal. In Delhi, where there is a separate Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC), Congress always supported the Sarna brothers — Paramjit Singh Sarna and Harvinder Singh Sarna, who ran the show through their Shiromani Akali Dal (Delhi). The Sarna brothers got continuous support from the Congress all through only because they were opposed to the Badal led party in Punjab. In fact, many considered the SAD (Delhi) as a frontal organisation of the Congress as the Sarna brothers took all policy decision only after getting the nod of the party.

So the entire premise that Congress has a “hands off” approach to parties based on religion and drawing strength from religious institutions is based on a false premise. In the SGPC elections of 2012, the Congress of course did not contest but indirectly supported the group which was opposed to Punjab’s ruling party. The Sarna brothers, particularly Paramjit Singh Sarna, played a crucial role in the entire exercise. No wonder, Sarna was present in the meeting in Kurukshetra in Haryana where Jhinda was elected President of the ad-hoc body of Haryana SGPC.

When the Akal Takht Jathedar Gurbachan Singh advised both Punjab and Haryana leaders to cancel their conventions, there was a de-escalation of tension to a great extent. The truce may be temporary but a way has been shown. A presidential reference and the courts can only find a solution to the vexed issue beside mutual dialogue. The Akal Takht Jathedar, who commands wide respect in the community across the globe, has indicated that the Akal Takht will call a meeting of Sikh high priests and senior Sikh leaders to resolve the issue over the creation of the HSGPC in Haryana. The sooner it’s done, the better it is for all stakeholders.

Another build up is happening in around 50 Gurdwaras of Haryana and tension brewing which could escalate to violence if immediate steps are not taken. In all the prominent Gurdwaras of Haryana, SGPC (Amritsar) has its control and it is backed by the ruling SAD in Punjab. Armed Nihangs and other Sikh volunteers, sent by the SGPC from Amritsar, have complete control on the religious institutions as of now. The Jhinda led ad-hoc committee might have been empowered by law to take control of the gurdwaras but in practice, it is simply impossible at this juncture unless it takes help from the security forces and police. But taking help of police in taking control of gurdwaras could lead to a crisis of unparalleled magnitude, something which should be avoided at all costs. Again, I fail to understand why the Government of Haryana was in a tearing hurry to form an Ad-hoc committee and appoint Jhinda as president and Nalwi as vice president when it knows that attempt to take control of the Gurdwaras in Haryana at this juncture could be a flashpoint.

Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal has hinted at stepping down, repeatedly warned of an agitation over the issue and said that this could disturb peace in the region. He has met all concerned, including the Prime Minister and the Home Minister, to impress upon them the necessity of rolling back the bifurcation of SGPC. He termed it a constitutional crisis and a “brazen interference in Sikh religious affairs”. The stand of Badal shows how strong he and his supporters feel at this point and the need to assuage their sentiments.


Haryana claims that it is well within its rights to make a law for its State. Absolutely fine. But when such right and law affects broader peace of the region, affects two States, inflames communal passions and is provocative in nature, then it has to be exercised with due caution. There is right to free speech in the Constitution but it does not mean that it is unrestricted and you can speak anything against anyone. One has to exercise due caution. This is where Haryana failed. The law it made was a fit case for reference to Parliament, Home Ministry and the President as due caution was not taken. People would expect the entire process to be reversed now. If it goes through the due process of law once again after crossing the litmus test of due caution, consensus and dialogue, no one would have any objection.  (July 28, 2014) 

http://www.dailypioneer.com/state-editions/chandigarh/sgpc-row-dialogue-consensus-and-court-intervention-needed.html