Of Trials and Tribulations





Amitabh Shukla | in Oped


A personal experience of the Modi regime’s excellent public grievance redressal system


As the Narendra Modi Government completed two years in office and is now approaching its mid- term, it will be fair to analyse its omissions and commissions as is being done extensively. While some will hail the BJP’s achievements as ‘unprecedented’, others will try to downplay what the Government has done in the past two years. They may even target it for various reasons.

Here, the discussion is limited to only one micro scheme of the Government which shows how the penetration of information technology has changed the grievance redressal system in our country. I’m talking about the public grievance portal of the Union Government — the Centralised Public Grievance Redress and Monitoring System (CPGRAMS). Some of the cases can be hailed as ‘revolutionary’. My personal experience with the system too reinforced my belief that indeed, Government departments work and they work very fast. I have two experiences to share and both are related to the postal department.

In the first instance, my father, who left for his heavenly abode two and a half years ago, left a very old post office savings bank account in his files. When I sent someone on Friday to Bettiah, a small district headquarter in north Bihar, to the Naya Bazar post office at the end of 2013, they came out with a plea that there was no nominee in the account and that one has to go through a lengthy process to claim the amount. Though the amount was only Rs35,000, there was a sentimental value attached to it as it belonged to my doctor father.

Then, in December 2015, at my home address in Bettiah, my mother got a registered post saying that the account of my father had been transferred from Hazaribagh and it indeed had a nominee — my mother. The letter said that they would enquire it from Hazaribagh and get the original nominee form there. We thought that the ordeal was over and soon my mother would get the cheque. However, that was not to be. After the last post, the postal department simply forgot to follow it up. The post master would continue to feign ignorance and refuse to process the matter. I felt it's better to forego the amount instead of putting someone to so much harassment and make him run from pillar to post for this.

It was then that someone told me about the public grievances portal — pgportal.gov.in — and how it is meant exactly for cases like this. I opened it one fine morning and gave the account details in the complaint section and wrote a brief description about the problem and the harassment I went through. It took me all of five minutes to seven minutes to lodge a complaint with my e-mail ID and mobile number given. Soon after lodging the complaint, I got a docket number which was to be used for future reference.

I logged into the portal again using the number sent to my mobile phone and e-mail after two hours. It had the details and said that the complaint is lying with the public grievance officer of the postal department, with an office at Parliament Street, New Delhi. Next day, in the morning, when I again opened the portal to see the status of the complaint, it had been sent to the public grievance officer at Patna General Post Office. In the next three hours, the complaint had reached the Superintendent of the West Champaran postal circle in whose jurisdiction the account existed. It was actually so fast.

In the evening, I got a call from the Superintendent of Posts that the matter has been processed and my mother is welcome to visit the post office the next day for signature and collecting the cheque which now totaled to Rs39, 480 after adding the interest. I was elated, the system had actually worked. The cheque was collected by my mother the next day. For the first time, I saw how this system cut through all sorts of hierarchies, paper work and obstacles put up by the babus and delivered to the common man who had hitherto been condemned to grease the palms of these very babus and treat them as sahibs all these years.

The second matter also pertained to the postal department. This time, it was the National Savings Certificate (NSC) of my father. The NSC matured at the end of March and I was the nominee in these papers. The agent, through whom my father used to invest in small savings scheme of the post office, got the paperwork done like depositing the death certificate and forms relating to the claim. He assured me that my presence was not required to claim the money. But when I was in Bettiah during the summer vacation, I signed the papers and got it deposited in the Lal Bazar post office from where the NSC was purchased.

But the post master of Lal Bazar post office would have none of it. He simply sat on the papers and did nothing. When I enquired from the agent, he said that the post master was playing truant. It was then that I rang up the Superintendent of the West Champaran Postal Circle, Manoj Sharma, who had processed the first case and who had talked to me regarding it a few days back. He talked to the Lal Bazar post master and asked me to send a scanned copy of my signature. I did that. But this post master was taught in the old school of bureaucracy and kept dilly dallying the payment to me. He consistently claimed that his office did not have the original NSC papers even though I had personally deposited it there. I had enough of it. Lodging a complaint with the public grievances portal was a click away. This time, in three days flat, the cheque was given to my representative in Bettiah.

CPGRAMS is the new hope for redressal of any grievance-related either to the Central or the State Government. While grievances related to departments of Central Government are handled quite efficiently, those pertaining to the States are passed on to the respective State Governments. An officer of the Indian Revenue Service said, “The monitoring of the system is done at the highest level and no laxity on the part of the officials tolerated. It is a new terror amongst the lazy officials of the Government”.

As monitoring is done at various levels, there is an unusual hurry on the part of the officials to dispose the complaints as everyone would now know at which end the problem exists. That to me is indeed a revelation and my personal experience with the CPGRAMS has been a pleasant exercise. (July 1, 2016

Congress on back foot on Kamal Nath



Pioneer Analysis

Amitabh Shukla

Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi might have tried to score meaningless brownie points over the SAD-BJP combine with his sit-in against the drugs menace at Jalandhar in Punjab on Monday, but for  the party the state seems to be a lost cause now. A day before, the party gave a big stick to its rivals in the state to beat it with the appointment of Kamal Nath as the AICC General Secretary in-charge of the poll-bound Punjab.

“With one stroke of the pen, Congress leadership seems to have handed over Punjab to the SAD-BJP combine and the Aam Aadmi Party,” said a senior Congress leader here, on the appointment of Kamal Nath, whose name figured as one of the Congress leaders allegedly involved in the 1984 riots.
The leader reasoned, “it is not a question of being found guilty by a court of law…or not being charge sheeted. It is a question of perception which is what matters in politics, particularly when elections are a little over six months away”.

The appointment of the 69-year old MP from Chhindwara in Madhya Pradesh would have wide ranging political ramifications in the state and whatever momentum Capt Amarinder Singh was building ever since his appointment as PCC President would be lost in no time.   

Besides Sajjan Kumar and Jagdish Tytler, two Congress leaders, whose name have repeatedly figured in various Commissions of enquiry, reports and eye-witness accounts, Kamal Nath was the third prominent leader whose name was associated with the mob violence against the Sikhs at Gurudwara Rakab Ganj in the heart of New Delhi.

While Congress ensured over the years that Kumar and Tytler have nothing to do with Punjab and of late, have been sidelined completely, Kamal Nath is the sole leader with the 1984 taint who has continuously been a minister whenever the Congress was in power and has been its longest serving MP now with nine terms. His imposition, all of a sudden in Punjab, has opened the old wounds of the Sikhs and triggered an anti Congress undercurrent which would be reflected in the elections a few months down the line.

Being an extremely sensitive state where religion mixes freely with politics and vice versa, not only the Sikh hardliners but even the moderate leaders   would find an issue around which they can spin their politics in the run-up to the February 2017 polls. Already the SAD-BJP combine and the AAP has launched a virulent campaign against the Congress on the issue, putting it on the defensive.

Not that an AICC General Secretary has much to do with electioneering and campaigning in a state but the symbolic gesture of the appointment itself is fraught with danger for the party.  Congress was on a revival mode, helped by the two-term anti-incumbency against the ruling Shiromani Akali Dal and the unpopularity of some of the leaders of the ruling combine. The appointment of Capt Amarinder and bringing in Prashant Kishor boosted the morale of the grassroots Congress worker in the state, lying low for nine years now.

“How will these workers canvass for the Congress when rural Sikhs question them about the role of Kamal Nath? Won’t they become defensive straight away?” asked another leader.  He added, “Sikhs are emotional and sensitive and no amount of convincing that he was never charge sheeted or had a role in the riots, would cut the ice,” he added.

For the last half a century, Punjab had always been a two-party state with Congress on one hand and the Akalis on the other hand of the political divide. AAP emerged only at the time of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and now is a force to reckon with. With such a decision, many now say that soon Punjab would be back to the two-party system with SAD-BJP on one side and AAP on the other and Congress at the third spot.

Of course, AICC General Secretaries do not win elections; however, hard they may try. It is the public face of the party, its internal dynamism and the perception of the people along with several other micro factors which does that.  General Secretaries are merely back room operators who devise strategy, lobby for tickets for their faction and help some get nomination for some and deny tickets to some.  But Kamal Nath could perhaps be the first general secretary of the party in recent years who would surely contribute to the defeat due to the decision of the high command. Being a nine-term MP, surely Kamal Nath knows what important role public perception plays in politics.

So what is the way ahead for the Congress? Simple. Take back the appointment with immediate effect. Low profile leaders like Shakeel Ahmed whom he has replaced or B K Hariprasad would do the job as effectively as Kamal Nath without the heavy baggage of 1984 riots. But for that you need to first admit that the appointment of Nath was a mistake. But is anyone in the Congress is ready to admit that mistake, more so when it seems to have been made at the highest level.   (June 14, 2016)



Chandra upsets Opp calculations to bag Haryana seat



 Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

In a major setback to the Opposition in Haryana, BJP-backed media baron Subhash Chandra defeated the INLD and Congress-supported lawyer RK Anand in the Rajya Sabha elections, indicating that despite having the numbers, the Opposition strategy was flawed from the beginning and they failed to find a common cause.

Chandra, an Independent candidate supported by the BJP, upset all calculations with his strategic planning with the help of the BJP, and scraped through amid intense political drama throughout the day during the polling and late vote count at the Haryana Assembly here.

As the MLAs of the Congress and INLD were bound by the respective whips of their parties, they followed a simple strategy to express their support for Chandra. They ensured that their votes were rejected so that it helped the BJP-supported candidate romp home without trouble.

Sources said that 14 votes of Legislators, including that of Congress spokesman SS Surjewala, were rejected following Saturday’s polling amid high drama in the Assembly premises.  The results of the elections were delayed as there were over a dozen objections by the rival MLAs.

 One INLD MLA himself admitted that he voted for Chandra to “return” a favour.  “It is strange that the votes cast by MLAs have been rejected. All of them know the voting procedure. This has to be deliberate,” a former Congress Minister told The Pioneer. While Chandra got 24 votes, Anand was left with only 15.

While Union Minister Birender Singh was also elected to the Rajya Sabha without a hitch, the real battle lay in the contest between Chandra and Anand.

All 90 Legislators in the Haryana Assembly cast their vote during polling here. The numbers game in the Assembly clearly favoured the combined Opposition candidate Anand. While, the INLD has 19 MLAs in the 90-member House, Congress has 17 which puts the figure to 36, enough for the victory figure of 31.  But Chandra upset all calculations with his strategic planning with the help of the BJP.

Chandra was helped by the fact that there was a vertical division in the Congerss on the issue of support being extended to Anand. Sources in the Congress said that the influential faction of the party,  patronised by former Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda, was opposed to any support to the INLD candidate. Sources indicated that Congress MLAs whose votes were declared invalid belonged to the Hooda camp.

BJP has 47 MLAs in the Assembly, BSP one, SAD one and five are Independents.  A candidate needs the support of 31 Legislators to get elected to the Rajya Sabha.  There are four Independents who supported Chandra which took the tally of the BJP to 51 which means they were 11 short to get their second nominee elected. But all arithmetical calculations fell flat when the index of Opposition unity fell short due to the planning of BJP and the internal strife within Congress as well as the INLD. (June 12, 2016)

SIMPLICITY IN GOVERNANCE IS THE USP OF KERALA



Amitabh Shukla | Thiruvanandapuram/ Kochi 

Simplicity in governance and accessibility of those in power to the people — that in short is Kerala for you. The contrast is all the more apparent if you come from the northern States.

A visit to the State Secretariat in the Capital Thiruvananthauram or Trivandrum was an eye-opener.  There was no obtrusive and visible security, people could directly approach the officials, bureaucrats and the Ministers for work and all you could see was accountability and answerability writ large.

Walking down the corridors of the Secretariat, we could see the name-plates of senior IAS officials—all in a row. You could simply knock at the door and enter their office with your complaint or grievance. There was no intermediary — a security officer or a PA or an orderly who would obstruct you and ask questions. Simplicity was the keyword here. All that Principal Secretaries get here is a PA and no more staff. Tea is ordered from the common canteen and the vendor serves it as there is no orderly attached even with the senior officers, heading their departments and in the IAS for 30 years. The building itself is over a century old and was originally constructed for the Travancore kingdom. It goes to the credit of successive State Governments that despite the absence of modern frills and the comforts, they have resisted any attempt to shift the Secretariat to a swanky building with all the related paraphernalia as several State Governments have done over the years.

None of this is visible in the northern States of Haryana, Punjab or other States where power or position means a battery of employees, hangers on and security personnel in tow. Those who want to meet officials will have to go through a drill of appointments, Personal Assistants and others whose main task is obviously to create obstacles and reinforce the colonial concept that there is a ruler and there are the commoners who are ruled.

After interacting with several senior officials and having numerous cups of tea, coffee and snacks, we moved on to meet Chief Minister Oommen Chandy. The septuagenarian leader who leads an alliance Government headed by the Congress is forthright. “People here are simple and so is governance. There is transparency and people are used to it,” he says, pointing to a CCTV camera in his office.

The CCTV camera in Chandy’s office telecasts whatever is happening in his office to anyone who logs on to the website of the Chief Minister’s office anywhere in the world. “Sometime back, a person was sitting on my chair in my absence. A person from Kerala, working in Dubai saw the live webcast and informed my office. He was sitting there only for fun,” the Chief Minister said, pointing to the transparency and the only CM office of the country where a live camera isn installed.

Even as we were talking to Chandy, several officials trooped in to have a meeting with the Chief Minister. Then, people with grievances and even MLAs walked in. It was like an open Durbar where anyone could walk in and talk to the Chief Minister. If someone needed to talk in privacy and not in front of everyone, Chandy merely stood up, went in a corner and listened to the person concerned before instructing officials to address the issue brought to his notice.

Chief Secretary Jiji Thomson shares, “we do not need to take appointments with the Chief Minister. We just see through the door glass whether he is available or not and walk in”. Thomson, who was on central deputation in New Delhi for 8 years before taking over as the Chief Secretary, said for the IAS officials working in northern States is an entirely different experience. “Here every move is scrutinised, the media is very active to the extent of being intrusive, there is no scope for any discretion as transparency and accountability is all pervasive,” he shares. His Executive Assistant Dr K Vasuki, a young IAS officer, also the Executive Director, Suchitwa Mission, says the work culture in Kerala is entirely different from other States and it was not only a challenge here but also professionally very satisfying. She was earlier in the Madhya Pradesh cadre and was posted in 3 districts as Sub Divisional officer there before shifting to Kerala after a change in cadre due to marriage.

Rural Development Minister K. C Joseph, who also has the charge of Planning, Cultural Affairs and Information and Public Relations, says that ever since he has seen it, extravagance of any nature is shunned and people do not like it. Surrounded by officers of his department, people troop in with their applications and it gets disposed then and there unless there is a scrutiny to be done.

Perhaps a trip of officials and Ministers of northern States to God’s own country is needed to assimilate the approach to governance for greater transparency, accountability and also people interface. (December 16, 2015)

(Amitabh Shukla, Senior Editor, was in Kerala at the invitation of the Press Information Bureau)

BIHAR VERDICT A LOCAL VICTORY OF NO NATIONAL IMPORT



VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA

Whatever the psephologists, exit polls and the media which parachuted in the State predicted, wrote or analysed, the victory of the Grand Alliance (Mahagathbandhan) in Bihar elections was a foregone conclusion.

The reason was quite simple. The alliance started with a big mathematical advantage of 30 percent in the caste-ridden society (Muslims, Yadav and Kurmi voters) and the people of the State voted along traditional lines — the way they have done since Mandal politics came into being and shaped their thought process since 1989 onwards.

It would be wrong to assume that people of Bihar rejected the so called communal politics of the BJP-RSS and adopted the so called secular politics of the Grand alliance as some would like to believe. These issues were not the core of the election campaign though it surfaced time and again during the long five-phase election for the 243 member Bihar Assembly.

There were micro issues everywhere — every constituency had its own caste arithmetic and dynamics, different issue and the campaign shaped differently in each of these segments. Communalism or secularism hardly affected the voters in the rural areas and of course the State is largely a conglomeration of villages and except the district headquarters, there is little urban expanse. Communal polarisation was at best limited to a few urban pockets and the contours of the results remained unaffected by it. On the contrary, caste polarisation largely determined the outcome. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s comments on reservations helped RJD create caste frenzy amongst the OBCs, a strategy Lalu Prasad has used deftly over the years.

The results showed that BJP held on to its urban support base to some extent but failed miserably in penetrating the rural hinterland and break the unwritten caste code of the last quarter of a century. The social coalition which the BJP tried to build by an alliance with Ram Vilas Paswan (Lok Janshakti Party), Jeetan Ram Manjhi (Hindustani Awam Morcha) and Upendra Kushwaha (Rashtriya Lok Samta Party) simply did not have the kind of arithmetical base which the Grand Alliance had in terms of caste.

Though Lok Sabha polls, almost a year and half back, saw the triumph of BJP’s social alliance with Kushwaha and Paswan without Manjhi, it was an aberration as the micro issues did not dominate the poll agenda then. At that time, it was the performance of the UPA Government under scrutiny, Narendra Modi versus Manmohan Singh as an issue and other macro issues which dominated the agenda of the entire country, including Bihar. Voters have shown an increasing tendency in recent years to differentiate between Lok Sabha polls, Assembly polls; Panchayat and Municipal polls and parties too adopt different campaigning methods and issues for each of them.

After the Lok Sabha elections, when the first experiment with Grand Alliance was made, by-elections for 10 Assembly seats were held in Bihar. That showed that despite rapid advances and aspirations of the youth, mathematical consolidation of caste still was the most important factor. The alliance won six of the 10 seats, setting the trend for the Assembly polls and in a way indicating how well this caste combination of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar was working in the ground in conjunction with Congress which hardly has any support base in any caste at this point of time.

It would also be wrong to assume that the Bihar results would have national implications as some are pointing out. Neither Lalu Prasad’s RJD has any preseince outside Bihar nor Nitish Kumar’s JDU. Of course, Congress made substantial gains but that was only because it benefitted from the caste alliance of the two parties and not because it has got strengthened in the State. In fact, the unity of the three parties was not on issues (except perhaps secularism) but their positioning in which they are natural rivals of the BJP either in State or national politics. Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav walked out of this alliance on the eve of Bihar polls indicating how fragile such unity is and how difficult it is to form an alliance of diverse regional parties at the national level with conflicting claims and ambitions of each leader.

Also, the assumption that Nitish Kumar would emerge as a leader of the “secular alliance” for the next Lok Sabha polls is far-fetched. Now he has become a junior partner to Lalu Prasad in Bihar as he got fewer seats and first he will have to grapple with the demands of RJD in the State to remain in power and manage the contradictions. His entire energy would be concentrated in managing the diversities of this alliance rather than on any national objective. He will soon find that RJD is a tough customer to deal with as compared to the BJP with whom he had an alliance in governance for over 8 years in Bihar. There will be no single regional party leader in the country who would ever accept the leadership of Nitish. Also, can Congress with pan India footprint, ever agree to play second fiddle to Nitish at a time when its Vice President Rahul Gandhi is raring to go and sensing an anti-incumbency against BJP.

Not long ago, those perpetually in search of a national alternative to Modi, zeroed in on Arvind Kejriwal after his spectacular victory in Delhi. Now, can they come out and still assert the Delhi Chief Minister could be an alternative. Let Nitish Kumar concentrate on the unfinished agenda of Bihar, on development, creation of infrastructure, prevention of migration and sprucing up the health and education sectors. People would be keenly watching if he can come out of the stranglehold of Lalu Prasad, whose 15-year tenure in the State was synonymous with what BJP called as Jungle Raj and where the word development was looked with suspicion and ridicule.  

For BJP, the lessons would be many and I am sure they will take a stock of the situation. The party which prided itself for collective decision making sometime back would be wondering if Congress style concentration of power in one leader, however, charismatic he may be, is bearing fruits. After Delhi elections, Bihar is clearly an electoral setback and no amount of verbal camouflaging is going to help. Will the collective leadership concept of BJP come back due to this defeat? Will there be a change of strategy? We have to wait and watch. (November 9, 2015)