Modi embarks on “Congress Mukt Bharat” campaign



Amitabh Shukla
Madhopur (Pathankot)


Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday practically launched the BJP’s  campaign for the Lok Sabha election 2014 here on the borders of Punjab and Jammu & Kashmir, outlining his vision for the country and how Gujarat model of development could be replicated in the rest of the country.

Addressing the Sankalp rally on the occasion of party founder Shyama Prasad Mookerjee’s 60th death anniversary, the chairman of BJP Campaign Committee launched a blistering attack on the Congress and how it had failed the country and its people on all fronts.

Mookerjee, who had opposed separate constitution and flag for Jammu & Kashmir, was arrested for entering the State without a permit, which was mandatory then. He died in jail after a month.

“The Congress has a habit of forgetting people’s sacrifices. It has deliberately forgotten the first martyr of free India,” Modi said, amid applause from the party workers who came here from Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu region.

In the wake of Janata Dal (U) walking out of the NDA, the Gujarat Chief Minister spoke about the need of allies and referred to how Mookerjee formed a non-Congress alliance of 35 MPs to counter the policies of Nehru. He talked about uniting hearts and political parties. “Hum rajnitik dalo ko jodne ka kaam karenge. Hum dilo ko jodne ka kaam karenge,” said Modi.

“Time demands that we move for peace, unity and amity (shanti, ekta and sadbhavana),” he added. Modi also talked about the need to “heal the wounds of Kashmir” and connect its aspiring youth with the national mainstream for the development of the State.

He said had Vajpayee come back to power in 2004, the wounds of the people would have healed and there would have been equitable development in Ladakh, Kashmir and Jammu regions of the State. He said guns and bombs do not solve problems, development does. Taking a swipe at the UPA Government, he said there are two heads (Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi) and the people do not know who is genuine. “Our resolve here should be to get rid of the two heads,” he said.

Lashing out at the Congress, he said the future of the country is not safe in the hands of the Congress and the youth face bleak prospects.

“I want to ask the Prime Minister what he did to save Sarabjeet Singh. I want to ask the PM what he did when the head of our soldier was cut off within a month they were sitting in Jaipur with chicken biryani…” Modi said, amid cries of Bole So Nihal and Bharat Mata ki jai.

He said, “We have to dream of a Congress Mukt Bharat…The country is suffering. There is a competition these days between the Rupee and Congress. Both are going down.”

Referring to the development in Gujarat, he said that with the same people, same rules and the same system, a change has been brought in Gujarat and this could be done in the rest of the country.

“I want to assure you that there is tremendous potential for development of the country. If the potential of the youth is realised, what could not be done in the last 60 years can be done now,” said the Gujarat Chief Minister.


Earlier, endorsing Modi as the prime ministerial candidate of the NDA, Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal said, “We will do a Fateh (victory) rally before the actual victory. This will not be an election but a war of independence under Modi... Independence from hunger, poverty, unemployment, corruption,” the septuagenarian added. (24.6.2013) 

Accolades for Modi in first big outing



Amitabh Shukla

Madhopur (Punjab)

Goa saw the appointment of Narendra Modi as the chairman of the campaign committee of BJP, Madhopur on Sunday witnessed a series of leaders virtually declaring him as the prime ministerial candidate of the party and the NDA.

The lead was taken by the patron of Shiromani Akali Dal and Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal who laid to rest all apprehensions and virtually declared that the next Lok Sabha polls would be held under the leadership of Modi. “You do not belong to Gujarat only…the country is waiting for you,” said Badal, asserting that he will convene a big political rally soon in which Modi will be the chief guest to announce the campaign for the Lok Sabha elections. Badal emerged as one of the most powerful supporters of Modi in his speech and could help stitch alliances for the NDA as it bids for power in 2014.

This was the first time Modi had ventured outside Gujarat for a political function after his appointment as the chairman of the campaign committee over two weeks ago. Top BJP leaders from Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir gathered here on the banks of the Ravi river to commemorate the 60th martyrdom day of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh founder president Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

The choice of the site was important as Mookerji had crossed over to Jammu and Kashmir from Madhopur border and was arrested by the then Sheikh Abdullah government and died in custody 60 years ago. The endorsement of Modi’s leadership came not only from Badal but also the entire BJP leadership of the region. Party veteran Shanta Kumar said it was time for a change and the change could be brought under Modi.

“The country wants to get rid of the Congress…we are looking for a Congress-free country,” he said, quoting Modi’s speech at Goa which talked of a ‘Congress-mukt desh’. In the same vein, he talked about the Gujarat model of development and how this could be replicated in the county by Modi. Party MP Avinash Rai Khanna gave a new definition of Modi saying M in the surname of the Gujarat Chief Minister stood for Model, O for of, D for Development and I for India. From Punjab BJP president Kamal Sharma to BJYM president Anurag Thakur and Ministers in the coalition Government in Punjab — there was a competition among them to eulogise Modi in whatever vocabulary they had.

It was a Modi show all the way with not only the leaders but also the party cadres from northern region endorsing the name of Modi for the top job of the country. There was no mention of the sulking LK Advani by the leaders and Modi himself hailed the Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government as the harbinger of change.


Overwhelmed by the support of the entire leadership of BJP and Akali Dal and amid thundering applause from thousands of supporters listening to them in high humidity, a humbled Modi said Badal was like a father figure from whom he learnt a lot while Shanta Kumar showed him the way in politics when he was the in-charge of the northern region from 1995 onwards. He appreciated the role of all leaders who made him what he is today. He referred to former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee on several occasions. However, he refrained from naming Advani even once in his long speech. (June 24, 2013)

Third (Federal) Fronts have failed time and again




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


With general elections less than a year away, a flurry of political activity — Narendra Modi getting into the centrestage of national politics, LK Advani refusing to retire and throwing his towel in the ring, the dead as a dodo Federal or Third Front saying it is alive and kicking and the JD(U) divorcing its 17-year-old partner — gripped the people.

Reams have been written about the Gujarat Chief Minister getting a national role in BJP after becoming chairman of the Campaign Committee. No one will bother to find out who was the chairman of this Campaign Committee before Modi. That is irrelevant. The symbolism of the appointment was there before everybody not only in the BJP but also other parties as well. It was obviously a major step which would catapult Modi as the prime ministerial candidate of the party in the battle ahead. A sulking Advani refused to go to Goa where the announcement was made, kept blogging, resigned from party posts and finally the big brother RSS came into the picture to assuage the hurt sentiments of the perennial rath yatri.

All this was perhaps on expected lines and so was the decision of the JD(U) to part ways with BJP. The BJP could not have gone into the polls with the same old tired faces whom the electorate rejected twice in 2004 and 2009. Remember Advani was the prime ministerial candidate of the party in 2009 and it got lesser seats than it got in 2004. It simply could not afford a third straight loss. No political party can.

BJP had to do something new, something big, come out with a fresh idea and approach to reinvigorate its cadres and motivate them for victory which has been eluding the party for the last two elections. The Modi phenomenon may work or may not work. But at least, an attempt has been made to provide a fresh alternative and approach. You simply cannot go into the next World Cup of cricket with Sachin Tendulkar and Sunil Gavaskar as the fulcrum of Indian batting. Perhaps the entire BJP realized this except Advani. As the political saga in the BJP unfolds in the next few months, you can expect more from Advani to remain in the limelight within and outside the party. He is not going to give it away easily and fade into oblivion.

But I fail to understand what the JD(U) and its earlier avatar Samta Party thought all this while. Perhaps it thought that Advani was more “secular” as compared to Modi in the last 17 years of the alliance. Perhaps it thought that Ram Mandir agitation and the accompanying riots were secular acts and the riots in Gujarat post the Godhra incidents were communal. The Nitish Kumar led party also perhaps thought that the Ram Mandir agitation, the chief architect of which was Advani was too old and out of the memory and radar of the people whom it is trying to nurture as a vote bank.

As JD(U) built its base in Bihar on the edifice of shabby governance by the Lalu Yadav led RJD in the years following the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the arrest of Advani by the then Bihar government headed by Lalu Yadav, it never thought that there was anything wrong, that it was aligning with the “communal” Advani and his party. All of a sudden it sees virtues in the grand old leader and finds him secular while dubbing Modi as communal with the same brush. People of the state and the voters would not buy that theory. As the entire political drama in Bihar has been scripted with an eye on the 17 per cent or so Muslim votes, the experiment is bound to fail. The party would perhaps realise this in the elections.

Bereft of a solid upper caste support base, there is no dominant caste now in the new electoral arithmetic of Bihar which the JD(U) faces, the party seems to be headed in the Congress fold like the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party in UP. The Kurmi caste, from which Nitish Kumar hails, is hardly dominant in any part of the state except in some southern areas.  The Extremely Backward Castes and the Mahadalits, assiduously built as vote bank by Kumar, too remain marginal all over the state and sparsely distributed in every constituency to make any electoral impact. In addition, the Muslims are being wooed by not only the JD(U) but also RJD and the Congress, making the division of votes imminent. The JD(U) may survive in the remaining term of its government even without BJP but the future and also a national role seems too distant now. The defeat of the JD(U) in Maharajganj Lok Sabha by-poll is an indicator of the things to come. 

Perhaps the JD(U) sees hope in the fledgling Federal Front which has been there in its various avatars over the years ever since the failed 1977 Janata Party experiment following emergency. Old timers still remember the daily dose of political drama and instability which led to the collapse of the government in three years.

It was followed by more drama with the Third Front and United Front leaders getting a chance in the sun with prime ministers like VP Singh, Chandra Shekhar HD Deve Gowda and Inder Kumar Gujaral coming and going on the musical chair. All of them had short tenures, there is nothing about them to remember and it was crass political opportunism which saw them in chair in the first place. Ironically, the so called Federal Front leaders have not learnt by experience even when none of the experiments succeeded without the support of the main parties. While V P Singh was propped up by the Left and the Right-Communist parties and the BJP, all others like Chandra Shekhar, Gujaral and Deve Gowda were propped up by the Congress and dumped at the first given opportunity. Before them, there was Jat leader Charan Singh who fulfilled his prime ministerial ambitions after being propped up by the Congress in 1979 and never faced Parliament before being dumped unceremoniously. 

In this era, it would be difficult to imagine a conglomeration of political forces  as diverse as Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress, Naveen Pattnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, Chandra Babu Naidu’s TDP, Jayalalitha’s AIADMK, Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) or Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party coming together just for the sake of power without any common minimum programme and understanding. This is simply not tenable. The egos of these regional chieftains are huge and nothing in this world is going to ensure that it falls in place. All of them have prime ministerial ambitions and the country can ill afford to have so many prime ministers in waiting. The country also cannot afford a political non-entity on the chair with the decisions being taken by a syndicate comprising so many leaders of varying temperaments, ideology, beliefs and ambitions. 

Indian polity is gradually becoming bipolar with Congress and the BJP as the two poles at the national level. But obviously, in the next elections, the regional players would play a major role. But the election cannot be seen as a contest of regional conglomerations.  People have to be presented an alternative with alliances in place before the polls. If the dozen odd leaders of the so called Third or the Federal Front think that they will first win the polls in the state and then strike a deal at a later stage, this is not going to work. (June 17, 2013)

TRAVEL: Manali losing its summer charm




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


The popular hill station in Himachal Pradesh attracts over 30 lakh domestic tourists and another lakh and half foreigners every year. But those who come here in the rush season vow never to come back as infrastructure has not kept pace with the tourist arrival and lack of any regulation on plying of vehicles has ensured that Manali remains one of the most polluted hill stations in May-June every year.

Traffic jam at Rohtang Pass
Almost every urban tourist who was here in June this year, vowed not to visit the place in the peak tourist season when dust, vehicular pollution and traffic jams in and around the city spoil the holidays and leave you wondering what are you doing here in the first place in this madness.

One of the most picturesque places in the country where nature has offered almost everything it could-flowing Beas river besides the small town of Manali, the mighty snow capped peaks all around, air conditioned weather escape from the blistering heats of the planes, the huge and centuries-old deodar and pine trees and of course so many avenues for adventure sports, trekking and the Rohtang pass, 51 km away.

Once that lures you to the place in June and you decide to make a trip, you realise how wrong the decision has been. The small town is overflowing with people from all parts of the country. There is no place to sit anywhere and all you have is the market and the restaurants where you can rest your aching legs. There are masseurs moving around and they will give you a knee down massage for a meagre   `25 to 50, depending on your bargaining skills. But obviously you did not come here for that.

Perhaps traffic jam at the highest point in India with
snow capped peaks all around in June 2013
If you are not a lover of adventure sports, biking, cycling or trekking and came here to hear the mesmerising sound of the gushing Beas river, hear the silence in the woods amid the tall trees, hear the birds chirping in the fruit orchards and besides the window of your guest house, you will be disappointed. Vehicles and taxis of all hues have silenced all other voices and you cannot hear nature speak to you. Fed up with vehicles all around you and even threatening to mow you down on the narrow streets, you head for an eating place to try out some local cuisine. In this globalised era, there is no local Himachali food available here. You have plenty of Punjabi food, chat, Chhole Bhature and what not. Thankfully, the food MNCs have not yet invaded the place. But that is little succour. Even after asking half the population of the town, I could not find any restaurant where local Himachali cuisine was being offered. When I was here the last time, almost a decade back, a Tibetan monk had a small eatery which specialised in excellent Tibetan food. I still remember the Thupka and the Momos which I had then. But it had closed in a decade as the Buddhist monk could not perhaps cope with the rising commercialisation. I asked the shops about the monk in the saffron robe selling Tibetan food, none of the young shopkeepers had any idea. One Raju Lama with a big ponytail has now opened a small outlet above the Tibetan market. It was better than the other stuff being offered in the town though not as good as the one sold by the monk in saffron robe. 

Next day, it was time to head for the Rohtang Pass, on the National Highway going to Leh. Due to its strategic importance, an all-weather tunnel is being constructed here. The road remains open only for around six months in a year due to heavy snowfall and the BRO maintained road passes through glaciers and melting snow. If traffic jams in the town were not enough, here you find thousands of vehicles heading for the pass at almost 4000 metre above the sea level. Perhaps, this could be the biggest traffic jam of the world at such a height. Even an early start of 5 am leaves you amid a massive traffic jam which you could see on the roads above you and below you in a serpentine queue. Unbelievable. I had seen traffic jams lasting hours in the cities but this was simply on top of the list of traffic jams. What is worse is that this happens every day in May and June.
What a view. But the serpentine que of vehicles
remains an eyesore in the peak summer months

As the serpentine queue grew in length, a few people simply decided to turn back after spending an hour in the traffic jam at perhaps the highest peak. There were snow-capped peaks all around and there were walls of snow besides the road where hundreds of vehicles were idling. Heavy stench of burnt diesel was in the air due to the movement in bumper to bumper traffic.   I was lucky. The traffic started moving after an hour and a half.

After reaching t he top and spending a few minutes, the prime concern was not to enjoy the magnificent view all around the Rohtang Pass but to return back safely before sunset to the Circuit House in Manali where I was staying. We again started early as the driver of the taxi warned us that a day before, it took him seven hours to complete the 51 km journey downhill. Despite starting early from Rohtang, there were traffic snarls all around and it took almost five hours to reach Manali. Two traffic jams of an hour each with snow walls and mountains all around spoiled the mood. One could never have imagined a traffic jam at such a place. May be we will soon see a traffic light, the highest on the peaks to control vehicular movement.

There was a plan to build a ropeway to Rohtang but strong opposition from the 5000-strong local taxi union thwarted the move. I asked the taxi driver, what is the point of ferrying people to Rohtang when all of them would curse you at the end of it, he merely said, “we get employment for two months in a year.” The government should seriously think about it and give tourists as option-either go by taxi or the ropeway.

It was time to head back to Chandigarh. But the road itself is in shambles in several places with no strengthening work undertaken after last year’s monsoon. The Manali-Kullu road is full of potholes in several sections. While the road from Kullu to Mandi is much better as you move besides the Beas, the road further ahead again has potholes in several stretches. Some of them in and around Swarghat from where the border of Punjab begins are so big that it could damage the vehicles severely.

Government earns crores from tourists. It charges `200 from every non-Himachal Pradesh vehicle entering Manali. This is in addition to `30 it charges for entering the State. As roads are the only mode of transportation in the city, the neglect was nothing else but pathetic governance. You simply want to drive away the tourists and ensure that they do not come again.


Post Script: Do visit Manali for a great holiday but ensure that you do not come here in the peak tourist months of May and June. (June 10, 2013)

Desist from politicizing Naxal menace




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA



The gruesome attack on Congress leaders and death of 28 people so far in the deadly naxal attack in Chhatisgarh has triggered another round of blame game. So despicable has been the political discourse following the brutal attack that instead of devising strategy for tackling the armed brigade of the banned CPI (Maoist), the focus has shifted to conspiracy theories and electoral gains and losses in the poll bound and naxal hit State.

Last week in this column, I had briefly mentioned how the handling of the dreaded Maoists in the last nine years of UPA has left a lot to be desired. I pointed out how the Government and the party were on a collision course on tackling the Naxals, emboldening these groups further. While the Government advocated a tough approach when P Chidambaram was the Home Minister, the party, particularly Congress General Secretary Digvijay Singh, questioned the tough approach of the Government. The confusion spread all around and weakened the morale of the security forces on the ground as no one was sure how to tackle the lawlessness created by the Maoists in the so called liberated zones.

Even as the eyes of the relatives of the family of the victims of the Chhatisgarh attack were yet to dry, utter confusion prevailed in Government on how to tackle the issue in hand, often described by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as the greatest threat to internal security. While Singh has continued to pay lip service to the issue over the months and years, he has done precious little to remove the confusion on tackling naxalism. This has been one of his lapses which have been seldom pointed out. Merely saying that this is the greatest threat does not serve the purpose as no concrete and serious action has been taken by his Government on the ground. Can anyone in the Government enlighten me if any meeting has ever taken place to build a consensus on the fight against “the greatest threat to internal security”.  Merely sending more and more CRPF men in the region is not a solution as the Government is more or less treating them as cannon fodder rather than a fighting force. It was not long ago that 76 CRPF men were butchered by the outlawed group in the State.

When the top Congress leadership was wiped out in the Bastar attack, the Central Government started the blame game by entrusting the investigations to the National Investigation Agency. It did not have faith in the investigative machinery of the State Government which has been in the forefront in the fight against the Naxals. I fail to understand what will the NIA do except blaming someone or the other and pointing fingers at some low level police official for not discharging duty. What purpose would the investigations serve in the larger cause of fight against the ultra left lawlessness?  Chances are that it will blame the State Government and its police force for lapses. Remember, it was former Home Minister Chidambaram who had praised the Raman Singh government’s efforts to check the Naxal menace. Now if you blame the same Government which you hailed earlier, will it serve any purpose in the larger fight against the Naxals? When Chidambaram was the Home  Minister, at least the right noises were being made and policy formulation was initiated. With Sushilkumar Shinde in the ministry now, all seriousness has gone and the Centre is merely treating it as if another crime has taken places somewhere in the remote corners of the country.

If one goes into anti insurgency history of the country over the years, one will find that it was the state police which led from the front, not the central forces. In Punjab, perhaps the only example where terrorism was crushed leaving no scope for revival, it was the state police which crushed terrorism two decades ago and not the central para military forces. The State police have the local intelligence, its men come from the same region, speak the same language and face the threat day in and day out. They have interests in solving the issue while CRPF and other CPMFs are only doing a temporary job of supplementing the resources and efforts of the state police force.

Ever since its formation, NIA does not have any track record of successfully investigating such attacks. It was entrusted with the Malegaon blast probe which still has several loose ends. It is unlikely to come out with anything concrete in the Bastar attack except leakages to the media to suit its political masters the way it was done in the Malegaon attack. If the Government can create NIA, why can’t it create a specialist body to fight naxals in the States of Chhatisgarh, Odisha, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and parts of Maharashtra and Bihar. Why can’t there be a unified command for anti naxal operations and why can’t the government use the expertise of the armed forces.

Even if one leaves apart the investigation part, both the BJP and Congress entered into a blame game and floating conspiracy theories playing into the hands of the ultra left extremists. This is what the naxals wanted—spread confusion in the political parties to strengthen themselves. I fail to understand why don’t they realize that the Maoists intend to overthrow the Indian State through an armed struggle and for them none of the political parties matter.

In fact, having no policy or national consensus against ultra left violence over the years has helped these groups propagate their cause and spread out. Ever since Naxalbari violence erupted in West Bengal in the late 1960s, ultra left violence has never been eradicated. They have changed their names over the years— CPI (ML) Maoist Communist Centre, People’s War Group etc but essentially in the new avatar of the banned CPI (Maoist), they are the same lot with the same ideology of violence and silencing those who oppose them.


They have several frontal organisations which remain out of the scrutiny of the law enforcing agencies. Obviously, the group has an ideology which has to be fought both through development, ideology and force. Unless you weaken them first, you cannot hope to take development in the areas where the Maoists dominate. Development here has to be people centric, as per the local needs and aspirations and not the way corporate houses or the mining barons want. It was time, the Government built a consensus on the type of development which needs to be carried out in these areas, the method of fight against armed rebellion against the Indian State and how such violence is brought to a halt. (June 3, 2013) 

UPA Report Card: Nothing to cheer about



VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


It was a birthday celebration sans any fanfare as the UPA limped to complete four years in its second avatar. With a series of scams behind it and elections staring it in the face, even the die-hard supporters of Congress wore a forlorn look as the future looks uncertain.

In the last four years, people would be hard pressed to recall any significant policy that would be a game changer for the battle of 2014 which could even be fought towards the end of 2013 given the dynamics of politics at the regional level. The battle of 2009 was fought in the backdrop of schemes like MANREGA and loan waiver to the farmers; schemes which helped consolidate its vote bank in the rural areas.

Now when elections could be held anytime within the next 11 months, all which the government and Congress spokesmen cite as achievement is direct transfer of subsidies. The scheme is yet to take root and the minuses and scams of the last four years simply outweigh this small administrative step. Perhaps a few in the Government think that the proposed Food Security Bill or the Land Acquisition Bill would be a panacea for all the ills plaguing it. But remember, most of the State Governments are already giving rice and wheat at `1 to `2 a kg and the fatigued voters are not going to buy this scheme. Similarly, however liberal the Land Acquisition Bill may be, it will benefit only a small section of the population.

The fourth anniversary bash of the UPA (read Congress) took place at a time when something which everyone suspected all along became public knowledge. Every voter in the country suspected that CBI was used to fix political opponents and help the ruling party members. The affidavit of the CBI chief in the Supreme Court confirmed this and in Law Minister Ashwani Kumar, the government found a scapegoat. He was shown the exit door. But this is not a case of a simple resignation. It was the case of an institution losing its face before the public and a crisis of credibility which the premier investigation agency faces. Now, no one would even ask whether the CBI was taking briefs from the Government all these nine years. People know that this was the case.

They would also suspect the investigations of CBI in each and every case where politicians are involved, mostly of the Opposition parties.

Not only CBI, another institution Railways-came under intense scanner ahead of UPA’s anniversary bash. Earlier, one had heard that posts of clerks and assistant station master were sold to the highest bidder by the Railway Recruitment Boards. But this was the biggest of them all as a member of the Railway Board was caught giving bribe to the nephew of Railway Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal for a choice posting which involved purchases to the tune of crores. As the glare has shifted to corruption and betting in the IPL, there are no updates on the investigations in the Railgate. No one would buy the argument that a board member would deal with a private person and give him money unless he is sure that his work would be done.

Whatever Bansal does and however hard he tries, it will only be CBI’s benevolence which can absolve him from the case. Given the way law enforcement agencies work and the way governments have an influence on it, give the case to Gujarat Police or the Punjab Police, they will immediately find the links reaching up to the former Railway Minister and Chandigarh MP.

When the third birthday bash was organised in 2012 for the UPA, it had three dozen more MPs to count on. A year down the line, big brotherly and arrogant attitude cost it dearly as it lost Trinamool Congress and the DMK in the process without adding any new ally. Samajwadi Party, on whose support the survival of Government depends, is threatening the UPA day in and day out. It did not even take part in the bash. Ruling party bosses know that both SP and the BSP are supporting the government with the stick of the CBI looming large not because of its policies and programmes which they criticise every other day.

After nine years, the Government seems to have lost its way and does not know which way to go. It looks tired and haggard. Fatigue has set in and so has the death wish.

The economist Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is best remembered as Finance Minister of the country in PV Narasimha Rao Government over 20 years ago for bringing radical changes in the economy. For posterity, he would have to explain why his expertise in economics failed to lift the economy of the country in the last few years. Despite being the only economist Prime Minister of the country, he would be hard pressed to list the achievements on the economic front.

The fiasco of the government is on several fronts but undoubtedly corruption tops the list. Bansal episode was only the latest one definitely not the last for the beleaguered Government. Commonwealth Games scam, 2G spectrum allocation, Coal-Gate, Tatra truck scam, helicopter scam, cash-for-vote scam, Adarsh scam, Satyam scam…the list is only growing.

“Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is synonymous with indecision, inability and silence. Never in history has the institution of the Prime Minister been at the receiving end of wit, sarcasm and ridicule. The legitimacy of the office of the Prime Minister has been denuded,” Arun Jaitley, Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha said. You may or may not agree with the politics of BJP, but Jaitley hit the bull’s eye with the statement. The term “policy paralysis” for the Government has stuck.

The way the Government handled the protests led by Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev is still fresh in the memory. Then when protests broke out throughout the country, following the brutal rape of a 23-year-old Delhi girl in a bus, the Government was found wanting in the way it dealt with the students and the protesters.

The handling of the Maoists in the last nine years too left a lot to be desired. The confusion was apparent when P Chidambaram was the Home Minister and Congress general secretary Digvijay Singh questioned the tough approach of the Government. The same Maoists, against whom Digvijay Singh wanted a soft approach, have struck with a vengeance, assassinating the top leadership of the party in Chhattisgarh. Soft peddling and speaking with divergent views on the grave problem will only embolden the mass killers. It was time for a decisive action, something a Government undergoing “policy paralysis” won’t undertake. A section of Congress leadership in the Naxal-hit State is trying to politicise the issue, not realising that a national consensus is needed to tackle Naxal and Jehadi terror. 


As the UPA entered election year, the report card has been rather gloomy, bereft of any achievement-anything which the people could remember when they go out to vote in the general elections. Will the Government pull out a rabbit from its hat at the last minute? It seems unlikely. (May 27, 2013) 

Time bomb of IPL explodes



VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA



Early this month, a friend coaxed me to join him in watching an IPL match at Punjab Cricket Association (PCA) stadium in Mohali, just a kilometre from my residence in Chandigarh.

Reluctantly, I agreed — not to watch cricket but to talk about myriad other things with food and drinks thrown in as all inclusive price of the high-end tickets of the corporate boxes. Last year, I watched two games and this year too, I could not gather enough courage to watch more than two of the six matches scheduled in Mohali.

Sitting in the stadium, I realised how little stake and involvement the people had while watching the match. Very few were interested in the cricket being played in the ground and almost everyone was confused as to which team to support. At the end, spectators just clapped  for the good shot, a good ball or a good fielding effort. The team was immaterial. This was not surprising as the so called home team Kings XI Punjab hardly had any Punjabi players with whom the people could associate. It was led by an Australian Adam Gilchrist and another Australian Darren Lehmann was the coach. Apart from the name Punjab suffixed with Kings XI, there was nothing Punjabi about the team.

I wondered why at all people would watch the match and why would they support any team as there was nothing to choose between the two competing teams. I asked my friend about it. “It is unscripted drama. In a movie, you have a script, in a television soap opera you have a script. But here, the cricketing drama is unscripted and that is the real fun,” he told me.

Ten days later, I realised that the script of the IPL match too was written and what came out in the episode of Sreesanth and others of Rajasthan Royals must have been going on ever since the hastily put IPL came on the scene. Remember, IPL was a reaction to the Indian Cricket League (ICL) put up by the Zee group after the World Cup fiasco of India. The BCCI reacted to the ICL in which legends like Kapil Dev were associated and put up IPL under the now disgraced Lalit Modi, safely ensconced in London after a series of cases in India.

As IPL was a reaction to ICL, all norms were thrown to the wind and it started with the trial and error methodology. Some norms, just for the sake for it, were put up to keep the cricketing tamasha going on by the BCCI. It was the cricketing equivalent of a three-hour long formula film to milk the cricket loving nation’s public.

After the spot fixing scandal, that façade which the IPL and its parent body BCCI had built assiduously has gone. Now everything is under scrutiny. Even if a player suffers from some itching problem genuinely and scratches his body, it would be construed as a signal to some bookies. What to say of putting towel in trousers, even if he sneezes, smiles, appeals or ties the laces of his shoes, the action would be scrutinised. The spectators watching the match would find it fishy even if something natural happens in the field. I suspect that the Sreesanth saga is just tip of the iceberg.

Cricket undoubtedly is one game, which triggers myriad feelings among Indians — euphoria when the country wins, jingoism when the victory is against Pakistan, excitement when there is a photo finish and a sense of loss which lingers for days when team India gets beaten in a one-sided match. It is one common thread from Kashmir to Kanyakumari and from Arunachal Pradesh to Gujarat which brings strangers together and they can break into a conversation on the performance of Sachin Tendulkar or why a particular player has been inducted or kept out of the team.

After watching IPL unfold before me last year and this year, my romance with the game and nostalgia associated with cricket went for a toss. Even without spot or match fixing, I saw the game being reduced to a caricature in which there was no place for emotions, no place for the classical game which cricket is. Instead, it was a big circus, an entertainment and not sports.

After being dropped at the main gate when I started walking towards the entrance of the stadium, instead of getting a feeling of cricket or a sporting event, it seemed as if I was going for a disco or a late night party. Nattily dressed boys and girls, men and women had applied perfumes and cologne liberally. Bouncers of the “Home” team were there all over the place, flexing their biceps and walking with chest pulled up so that the fat around their tummy is not visible.

Socialites of Chandigarh, aspiring models, businessmen from the region, a few bureaucrats and police officers who had obviously been given free passes, moved from the bar to the snacks counter and then to their seats. They were interested in everything else but cricket. It was a social outing for almost all of them. Clearly, the venue was the most happening place of the city that night and the IPL match was incidental.

Some of the spectators had been sponsored by a corporate house and were wearing the T-Shirts of their sponsors after winning a promotional event. When they go back home, they will obviously tell their neighbours that they saw the Sukhna Lake, Rose Garden, Sector 17 market and the IPL match at Mohali stadium. They were clicking frantically and this would be the proof for their neighbours. I wondered how many would remember who was batting or bowling and which team got defeated the next day.

Just to have a feel of the atmosphere, I stepped out on the balcony from the AC lounge. Loud music blared the moment an over was bowled. The cheerleaders were caged in nets and surrounded by policemen in Khaki and bouncers in black so that no one threw bottles or anything at them. Only the portion of the “cage”, facing the playing arena, was not covered with nets to enable the TV cameras film the cheerleaders dancing for the TV viewers in the rest of the country.

Sreesanth, Chavan and Chandila are a timely wake-up call. Make a distinction between cricket and entertainment. As long as you treat cricket as an entertainment and not a sporting event, such incidents would continue to be repeated. (May 20, 2013) 


Fix tenure of governments at four years




VIEWPOINT 
AMITABH SHUKLA    



When the people of Karnataka went to vote on May 5, they already knew the CBI had arrested the nephew of Railway Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal for bribery and they were aware of the damning expose that highest posts in the railways were up for grabs by those paying the "right money to the right people."

The people of the southern State also knew by then that Law Minister Ashwani Kumar and the PMO had vetted and made changes in the affidavit of the investigating agency in the infamous coal scam, the links of which go up to the highest echelons of government, to the doors of the Prime Minister. People knew that it was the culprit who was changing the discourse to escape the dragnet of law.

Before May 5, not only the people of Karnataka, but also the entire country knew how the son-in-law of the most powerful person in the Congress and indeed the Central government-Sonia Gandhi-had benefited from the land deals in the NCR region of Haryana with the help of a friendly Congress-ruled State government. Whatever the subsequent enquiries, constituted by the State government said, the lingering doubt of the people that there were irregularities, favours and wrong doing can never be obliterated.

Also, do not forget the AgustaWestland helicopter scam which broke out early this year and the government was seen doing precious little to bring the guilty to book. As more scams hit the government, the helicopter scam seems to have been forgotten for a while.

But all this and the series of scams which began in 2009 did not deter the people from voting for the Congress in Karnataka, a party which is at the centre of so many scams in the last four years in its second avatar. Could this be a case of "my corruption versus your corruption?" Were the people weighing on a scale as to who was more corrupt, the bigger villain? 

When people went out to vote for the Karnataka Assembly polls on May 5, perception about corrupt practices and omissions and commissions of B S Yeddyurappa were more important for them than those of the UPA government. Their immediate concern was the issue in hand, change of governance in the State. People saw bigger evil in the way the State was governed in the last five years, the way scams broke out, Chief Minister was removed, the way Reddy brothers held a sway and looted the natural resources of the State. They saw instability and corruption and dumped the BJP government which they thought was responsible. For them, Delhi was too distant and in any case, there is Lok Sabha election too in which they can teach a lesson to the government in Delhi which Narendra Modi often says is "Delhi Sultanate."

Results of some recent Assembly polls have shown that people have delineated local issues and the national issues. They voted for Congress in Lok Sabha elections in UP in 2009 but rejected it lock, stock and barrel in 2012 Assembly polls. They will teach a lesson to the incumbent State Government if they find that their aspirations have not been met and dump the party. They will also give an affirmative vote to those who led the State without any controversy and were scam-free in their tenure.

Before Karnataka, we had Assembly elections in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh. Gujarat was thumbs up for BJP and Narendra Modi while Himachal was thumbs down for BJP and Prem Kumar Dhumal. In fact, in Himachal Pradesh, Dhumal's record was largely unblemished on the corruption front while his rival Virbhadra Singh was embroiled in a controversy and even had to resign as a Union Minister just before the polls. But this had no effect on the outcome as the people felt that their aspirations had not been fulfilled and they expected much more from the BJP government in the State.

The list of states where perceived good governance has paid is quite long and here people have voted the incumbent governments to power. Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh, Bihar, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh-all have voted for the incumbent government. Of course, elections are not fought only on issues of corruption and governance and a host of micro factors come in the picture, but largely perceived good governance, fulfillment of aspirations of the people do pay.

Given the changing dynamics of the choice of the people and the electoral behavior over a period of time, now I feel that giving five years to an incumbent government is too long and should be reduced so that the government of the day reflects the mood and aspirations of the voters, so that it does not become complacent, outdated and out of tune with what the people want. Nothing could be better if the time of elections is reduced to four years from the five years at present.

The Constitution of the country decided a five-year tenure a long time back-over six decades when the ground realities were entirely different. Much water has flown down the Ganges, Yamuna, Brahmaputra, Narmada and the Cauvery since then. Sticking to a five-year tenure now means that one has to do with a government even if it is out of tune with the aspirations of the people, out of sync with what they want, does not reflect their needs and no longer represents their collective will.

Had the elections of Karnataka been held a year back in May 2012, I don't think the results would have been any different. Yeddyurappa had made a mess of it much earlier. The Congress would still have won. Similarly, had the elections of Gujarat been held in December 2011, the results could have been similar. The Congress stood no chance there with a defeatist attitude and no alternative economic and social policy. If Lok Sabha elections are held now, in May 2013, we would actually see a government which represents the people truly, a government in tune with the aspirations of the people. The discredited would go out and those in tune with the aspirations of the people would get in. Whoever it is, it would be truly representative.

United Progressive Alliance, which is more or less only Congress as of now with most of the allies deserting it, lost the mandate of the people much earlier and not when it entered the fifth year. It frittered the mandate given in 2009. With one scam or the other rocking it every week and month, it no longer represents the aspirations of the people and their collective desire. But the people will have to do with it for five years as that is what the Constitution mandates.

Several State governments lose their steam sooner than the five years for which the voters elected them. They lose their relevance and carry on for the full term as the Constitution mandates even though they become irrelevant and lose focus much earlier. Nothing could be a better example than the Manmohan Singh-led government.

It was time the political parties built a consensus and changed the tenure of the State as well as the central governments for four years instead of the five at present. When a generation changes in ten years, the thought process and aspirations change much more frequently, it would be anachronistic to keep the tenure of the governments at five years.

Moreover, it would benefit all the parties and keep them on their toes and prod them to be pro public and motivate them to keep the aspirations of the people in mind all this while. The debate has to begin now. (May 13, 2013) 

Please define who is a Martyr





VIEWPOINT 
AMITABH SHUKLA

  
Sarabjit Singh has now become a part of history. After a campaign running into several years for his freedom, all his sister Dalbir Kaur could get was his body after the 49-year-old Bhikhiwind resident was brutally assaulted with an intention to kill in Pakistani custody.

There was competitive frenzy all around after the death to eulogize Sarabjit-something which never happened when he was alive and spent most of his adult life in Kot Lakhpat Jail in Lahore. Had the government shown the same levels of interest in him when he was alive, he could well have escaped the brutal assault and happily ensconced in his newly built house, very close to the international border with Pakistan.

Punjab government has coined the word “national martyr” for him and declared a three-day State mourning and organised a State funeral while Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called him “brave son of India who bore his tribulations with valiant fortitude.” Then, there were leaders of all hues and affiliations who hailed him as a hero. All this came even though the Pakistan authorities repeatedly termed him a spy, tried him for serial blasts, held him responsible for the death of 14 people and even the Supreme Court of the country confirmed the death sentence.

This all leaves me very confused. I do not know whether he was a martyr, a spy, a simple farmer tilling someone else’s land, a case of mistaken identity as his family insists, a simple youth who went to Pakistan in an inebriated condition only to be framed later or a hardcore terrorist as Pakistan insists. After coming back from Bhikhiwind and talking to his friends and co-villagers, I am not any wiser.

If we leave apart competitive jingoism of the rival political parties - Congress and the Akali Dal, as Indians, we would first have to define what “martyr” is. Sarabjit never worked for the armed forces, police or the paramilitary forces. That is on record. No Indian agency, RAW, IB or Military Intelligence ever owned him and ever said he was an asset working in a foreign country. In such a situation, how can one assume that he was indeed a “martyr” who died for a national cause?

Even if the Central government knows that he was indeed a spy as all such networks are operated by the Central agencies, how is Punjab government so sure that he was a “national martyr” and gave Rs 1 crore to his family members, announced a State funeral and Government jobs to both his daughters. A State Government never sends spies to foreign countries nor is it privy to the information about Sarabjit, if any, which the Central Government possesses.

In Bhikhiwind, Sarabjit indeed was being hailed as a local hero by the co-villagers. But you ask them, what had he done for the country and they would stare at you blankly. For many, something big was happening in the village as dozens of OB vans showing Live feed were stationed all across and everyone with any connection with Sarabjit was giving an interview.

Now the politics of competitive popularity came in with the two main parties trying to own up Sarabjit. None would have liked to be behind in the game of one upmanship when frenzy was being built. And so, in the process Sarabjit got the status of a martyr with the government not even bothering to find out what the word actually means.

So far, I knew that Bhagat Singh was a martyr. So was Sukhdev, Rajguru, Chandra Shekhar Azad, Subhash Chandra Bose and numerous others who lost their lives fighting the British or died in the jails in Andaman and Nicobar Islands serving life sentence. I also knew that the heroes who fought against the enemies in 1948, 1962, 1965, 1971 and the Kargil conflict and made the supreme sacrifice of their lives are martyrs. Then there were hundreds of those in the police and paramilitary forces who fought insurgency in the north-east, Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab and foiled the designs of the hostile neighbors. No one would dispute that they are martyrs.

All those who guard our borders in inhospitable conditions and die either due to cross firing or bad weather are also martyrs. Somehow, for me, it is indeed difficult to relate Sarabjit to the martyrs of the above category, however hard the government tries or whatever the amount of footage the television channels give to his death and howsoever big attends his funeral. Can anyone in the government explain to me what exactly made him a martyr? In fact, I talked to a few officials and I did not get any answer.

A few weeks before Sarabjit’s death, another Indian prisoner Chamel Singh from the Jammu region too was assaulted in the same jail and killed in a similar manner. Chamel Singh too was accused by the Pakistani establishment to be a spy and his body was returned only after almost two months of his death. His family members are pleading and meeting everyone important urging for the status of martyr to him. But no one is listening. The battle among the parties for competitive populism would not yield anything here. There are no TV channels to take up the cause of the Jammu resident. Can anyone explain how Chamel Singh’s case is different from that of Sarabjit?

Punjab Assembly passed a resolution declaring Sarabjit a “national martyr”. Last year, the same Assembly passed a resolution welcoming Surjeet Singh who was released by Pakistan after spending three decades in a Pakistani jail. After a hero’s welcome, the spy has been left to fend for himself. While Surjeet, a former constable in the Border Security Force, says that he crossed over to Pakistan several times and was a spy, hired by an intelligence agency for the country, Home Secretary Raj Kumar Singh categorically denied the assertions. The Home Secretary then said that India was not into spying and the assertions of Surjeet are not correct.

Surjeet says he was abandoned by the country after being caught and there was no one to own him up all these years when he was in solitary confinement. Even Pakistani authorities had charged him with spying and awarded the death sentence which was commuted to life imprisonment later on.

In fact, there are tales of dozens of former spies in Punjab and the Jammu region who have been abandoned by the agencies and handlers who apparently used them. They claim that they worked for the country but no one ever came forward to own them up or offer any financial or moral support. After spending a time varying from one to three decades in jail, some of them are working as laborers now, some have become too old to take care of themselves, others are mental wreck and some of them question why they took up the profession of James Bond. A couple of them went on hunger strike to press for their demand which fell on deaf ears. Most of the former spies are semi literate, perhaps a qualification for a low-profile and high risk career which they voluntary adopted for a little money, adventure and idealism to serve for the country.

Apart from Surjeet, Gopal Das and Kashmir Singh were the last two spies whose return became a media event. Gopal Das was released in April 2011 after 27 years in jail while Kashmir Singh, who too was initially sentenced to death, like Sarabjit and Surjeet, was released in March 2008. After returning, both of them narrated a tale almost similar to the one which Surjeet has to tell. They admitted to spying and accused the country of doing little to secure their release or help their family while they were incarcerated in the jail.

In fact, the social, cultural and linguistic similarities along with the physical features of people inhabiting India’s Punjab and Jammu region is so similar to that of west Punjab in Pakistan that the agencies found the local youth ideal for the job in the 1960s, 70s and even the 80s.  Things changed in the late 80s and 90s when the fence came up on the international border and one could no longer cross over to the other side at will. Moreover, the role of traditional methods of spying and information gathering was no longer important considering the fact that in the era of technological boom, this was no longer needed. No country or agency needed pictures of vital installations and movement of the armed forces as the satellites captured and beamed the pictures much more effectively. The traditional methods of spying, the one in which Surjeet, Gopal Das and Kashmir Singh and countless others  were involved, had become obsolete and now is completely outdated.

If you recognise Sarabjit, wrongly or rightly, it was time you also recognised the Surjeets, Kashmirs, Gopals and countless others. Turning a deaf ear and a blind eye would not help. (May 6, 2013) 

Secular-communal debate will do no good




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


Narendra Modi is the toast of the BJP, the flavour of the election season and the Gujarat Chief Minister realises it like no one else. He is travelling the length and breadth of the country, addressing sadhus and the corporate honchos alike along with election rallies in Karnataka and in the process his acceptability is gradually increasing even in those sections that would prefer not to touch him with a barge pole in the public.

His main competitor in the BJP for Prime Ministerial candidate, LK Advani, on the other hand, is like Sachin Tendulkar these days.

The form has deteriorated, the fans are deserting him and discovering new cricketing stars, he is past his prime but he still insists that there is more cricket left in him and needs to play not only for Mumbai Indians but also for India. In 2004, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was the Prime Minister of the country and also the Prime Ministerial candidate of the party. BJP lost the "India shining campaign" and the election which it was widely expected to win. Down with poor health, he retired to his Krishna Menon Marg residence in New Delhi after playing a stellar role in national politics for almost half a century. In 2009, Advani was the prime ministerial candidate of the BJP. The party lost again this time with a bigger margin as compared to 2004 and finally Advani too acquired a semi-retired status when he did not become the Leader of Opposition and instead it was Sushma Swaraj who assumed charge. Advani became the Chairman of the NDA, a position which confirmed his semi-retired status as there is hardly any work profile for the ceremonial position he holds. He will turn 86 this November and when the premium is on youth, the BJP workers are gradually veering to the idea of a party with Advani being only an elder statesman and not the Captain of the ship.

Termed the perpetual yatri, the grand old man of rath yatras, Advani rode on the rath half a dozen times, starting with the Ayodhya Rath Yatra in 1990 to make the party really big in the subsequent polls. His last rath yatra was in 2011 and there is no immediate plan to launch another rath yatra in the near future. Fatigue, both in the leader and also the supporters, has prevented Advani from mounting another rath and looking for another cause.

Some in the BJP compare Advani with Tendulkar insisting that there is a sell by date of any sportsperson and a politician. In the case of a sportsperson, it is the body which starts showing the symptoms and the sportsperson cannot make runs, score that goal or defend the goal or simply cannot run the distance in the scheduled time. Newer and younger bodies have taken over, who run faster, score more runs, field better and bowl faster. In the case of politics, it is the idea which gets affected by fatigue with no new thoughts coming and one becoming the prisoner of the past. For the BJP, it is actually a choice between Dhoni and Virat Kohli on one side and Tendulkar on the other. It is not a difficult choice to make after all. In Modi, they see hope and are inspired and motivated, in Advani they see status quo and political uncertainty. A similar situation prevails in the Congress as well with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh past his sell by date and Rahul Gandhi, despite all his limitations, emerging as the new hope of the party with fresh ideas.

While Advani's rath has not moved in the last almost two years, Modi has been moving and addressing the business tycoons in Confederation of Indian Industry and also sitting with the saffron clad sadhus in Haridwar after the victory in Gujarat Assembly polls last year in December.  He is at ease with Cyrus Mistry of the Tata group and Mukesh Ambani of Reliance and also with Baba Ramdev of Patanjali Yoga Peeth and at Dharm Meemamsa Parishad in Kerala.

Post Godhra violence has been often cited by the Congress and Modi's critics of the secular fundamentalist brigade to pin him down. Perhaps, raj dharm was neglected for a while as the then Prime Minister Vajpayee aptly reminded Modi then. But Congress has far worse record on communal riots be it the numerous riots all throughout the 1960s, 70s and the 80s in various parts of the country when the party was in power in most of the communally sensitive states like Gujarat, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra where violence broke out and the minorities were repeatedly targeted. Then how can Congress brush aside 1984 anti-Sikh riots when the genocide was carried out after the assassination of Indira Gandhi in the national Capital and elsewhere?

Many won't remember and intentionally forget which party was ruling Maharashtra in 1992-93 when the worst communal riots took place post the Babri Masjid demolition. It was Sudhakar Rao Naik of the Congress who played the politics of masterly inactivity by failing to act against the rioters. Why doesn't the Congress remember that it presided over the killing of a thousand people and did not follow the raj dharm ten years before Gujarat riots? Has anyone in the Congress apologized for the Mumbai riots ever?  I agree that unlike the anti-Sikh riots in 1984, Congress workers and cadres were not involved in Mumbai. But then, if you want Modi to be accountable and held guilty for post Godhra violence, you should also accept accountability for Mumbai riots and the anti-Sikh riots. You do not have a better record on that front.  A pot cannot call the kettle black and that too repeatedly. This is what the Congress has been trying to do all this while and instilling a sense of fear amongst the minorities by making a demon out of Modi in all these 11 years.

"My manifesto is everyone should be healthy and welfare for all. In Gujarat (where) riots happened every other day and innocents were killed, today after 12 years there is not a sign of riots," Modi said in Haridwar. I am not an ardent admirer of Modi's style of dictatorial politics, but there is an element of truth in what he said. I remember in my years of growing up, every alternate month I used to hear about "clashes between two communities" in the All India Radio. Invariably, these clashes led to death of innocents from both communities. Punish all those who are found guilty of the post Godhra riots, including Modi, if there is evidence, but do not condemn the person forever. Look ahead, do not dig the graves and open the wounds time and again. Perhaps the Congress wants to keep the wounds fresh to reap electoral dividends and play the insecurity card amongst the minorities. You have been doing it repeatedly, time and again. It was time you fulfilled the aspirations of the minorities for economic progress, education, giving them an equal role in opportunities rather than perpetually create fear and play on that.

Senior columnist and journalist Swapan Dasgupta argued in this newspaper that "Modi is an idea whose time has come". Undoubtedly, Modi promises to break status quoism in governance with his model of development, successfully implemented in Gujarat and it was time he got a wider canvas for implementing his developmental ideas. In the Congress, I believe that Rahul is also an idea whose time has come. Instead of inner party debates and machinations, let the voters decide who is a better idea and whose time has come and for how long. Move away from the decades old secular-communal debate which started over 100 years ago in early 1900. It has not done any good to the country nor will it ever do. (Monday, April 29, 2013)