Will Congress fade away or reinvent itself?




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


I have been a student of Congress politics for quite some time, observing the grand old party, reporting and commenting on it.

The party fascinates me as a journalist as I found it quite remarkable that it had turned into election winning machinery even though it was bereft of a sound ideological position. Since the late 1960s, after the euphoria over Independence waned, I always found it as an umbrella organisation for various castes, communities, interests and ambitions glued together by the Nehru-Gandhi family.

What interested me over a period of time was to find reasons why people vote for the Congress even though it is bereft of a cohesive ideology and fresh ideas. In 1971, it was due to the victory over Pakistan and carving out Bangladesh that won Indira Gandhi the election. In 1980, Congress won simply because of TINA (There is no alternative) factor. The Janata Party experiment of 1977 had flopped badly by then. In 1984, people voted for it because of Indira’s assassination and sympathy for her son Rajiv Gandhi. The massive mandate was squandered within the first two years. In 1991, it got votes due to two reasons — the flop Janata Dal experience and sympathy due to Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination.

After eight years of non-Congress Governments, in 2004, Congress was voted to power and this was repeated in 2009. I am yet to find a logical explanation for two consecutive victories. I have talked to a lot of politicians, academicians and social scientists over a period of time, no one convinced my why Congress succeeded twice despite a weak and timid leadership, lack of ideas and ideology. It is precisely because of this that I say that for a while, the party had turned into election winning machinery and got too overconfident for 2014.

While anti-incumbency of Vajpayee Government was a plausible though not a convincing reason for victory in 2004, there was none in 2009. Perhaps, people compared the two prime ministerial candidates in 2009 —

LK Advani and Manmohan Singh and found the latter more promising. Of course, I am not buying the theory that the bringing of legislations on “Rights” was a reason for two victories. If that had been the case, the party would have won even in 2014.

Covering Congress party over a period of time was quite interesting. It was really amusing to write and report how its leaders practically stabbed each other but the crime was mitigated as they raised slogans in favour of the first family. Every act was condoned in the party as long as you hailed the first family. In the same vein, all good acts as a Congress leader was washed down the drain if you failed to attribute it to the family. Non family Prime Ministers PV Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh are prime examples. They will not be even in the footnotes of Congress history if it continues to be written by a member of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty.

The verdict of 2014 has not only exploded several myths about the Congress but also exposed it like never before. It can no longer float in an ideological vacuum without withering away. It has been reduced to a caricature of sorts following the Lok Sabha polls, but no one in the Congress is talking about changing the ideological discourse of the party. BJP is right of the Centre but the space on left of the Centre is vacant. Congress will have to take that place firmly by a series of changes and that does not only mean raking up the secular-communal debate every now and then and invoking what Gandhi did in the 1930s, Nehru in the 50s, Indira and Rajiv in the 80s. It was hilarious to see Rahul Gandhi seeking votes for what his father did 25-30 years ago, forgetting that voters had voted his father and Congress out for precisely those very reasons.

Verdict 2014 showed that it is the Right that is on upswing. The Right of the Centre is the flavour of the season, it has appealed to the youth as the idea is fresh and there is hope and pessimism in the idea. There could be a sub text of polarisation and reverse polarisation as well but it was more of a desire for change which gave Narendra Modi the historic verdict.

While Rahul Gandhi represented pessimism, repetition, lack of idea along with feudal and paternalistic approach in 2014, Modi represented hope and optimism, full of ideas and all that the youth expects from a leader in this age and era. Rahul may be two decades younger to Modi but he fought the electoral

battle with tools which are four decades old. On the contrary, Modi spoke the language of the youth through the medium they use.

Rahul practically used the half a century old Congress slogan of Garibi Hatao when he referred to giving doles to the poor, conveniently forgetting that if poverty has not been banished all these years, surely Congress is to blame as it was in power for the longest tenure. For many it seemed that the supreme leader of the Congress — Rahul — spoke first and thought later, a sharp contrast to Modi, who did his homework and gave a separate speech in each of his meetings.

Clearly, Congress needs to reinvent itself to make the party appealing to the youth and catering to the aspirations of the neo middle class and those aspiring to get into the middle class. It can no longer think and talk only about doles, throwing food, medicines and freebies at the poor. People have rejected that. Now come out with something which can outsmart the BJP. Watch the Modi Government for a while and devise fresh strategy for the sections which are left out of the scheme of things of the new Government.

Despite a drubbing of a lifetime, I am now bewildered at the way the Congress wants to commit political hara-kiri. After being demolished and given the knockout punch, the party lies flat in the wake of the Narendra Modi Tsunami. But still, it is not looking within for answers. It is looking for scapegoats for defeat and what better person than Manmohan Singh to blame for it who can neither react nor is interested after having a decade in sunshine as the Prime Minister. Besides, a war of self destruction has begun in states like Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and others where leaders are demanding the resignation of their rivals within the party to settle political scores rather than thinking of ways and means to strengthen their party and motivate the workers.

The first and foremost need for the Congress is to democratise the organisation. They should hold primaries within the party the way Rahul did for 15 parliamentary constituencies and elect a leader. Of course, if Rahul is elected as president through a secret ballot in a fair election, it would be the internal matter of the party. In this age and era, dynastic politics of Congress style is not going to work. The Congress vice president has been preaching what he never practiced. This has been exposed and the election result showed that Rahul’s popularity is at all time low and people do not see leadership skills and qualities in him. Even Priyanka’s jibe aimed at Modi in Amethi was bereft of any substance. It did get on the

airwaves, consumed newsprint but proved counterproductive in the end. Of course, she should also contest the organisational elections of the Congress and if the party members vote for her, she could get more responsibilities.

In the age of communications, Congress was found wanting. Whenever Rahul spoke to the media and addressed them a couple of times, he lost hundreds of votes. So poor is his communication outreach that more or less he looks like an arrogant brat who is not interested in the job he is doing, imposed on the people from above — a leader who got everything without political merit. Moreover, he was more into sermonising than finding solutions. No one, even the dumbest, wants to be lectured at. More so by a person who is himself not qualified as he is yet to prove his mettle either as a mass leader or in an organisation or in the Government. That is the tragedy of Rahul Gandhi. The sooner he himself and other Congress leaders realise it, the better for the party. (May 19, 2014) 



  

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