VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA
Dynasty and politics have
gradually become natural bedfellows in the country. This is what we have seen
in the last few years. Rahul Gandhi’s rise to the Number two slot in the
Congress is the natural process of the malaise which has been set into motion
by not only his party but a host of other regional parties in the country.
Except perhaps a handful of
regional players, none of the other parties in the country can afford to
criticise the rise of Rahul as they too are beset with the problem of dynastic
politics and just cannot look beyond the sons of the main leaders. If you
traverse the length of the country from Kashmir to Kanya
Kumari, you will find a series of dynastic leaders at the helm of either governance
or the regional parties.
Congress is merely the symptom of
the disease which runs deep, across political divide and ideology. None of
these regional parties have any system in which leadership quality is
scrutinized or the leader is chosen from a talent pool which is wide and deep.
It is only taking birth in the right family which determines political fate.
In the northern most state of the
country—Jammu and Kashmir —it is
the father-son duo of Farooq Abdullah and his son Omar who are in control. One
is a Union Minister and the other is the chief minister. The chief minister’s
grandfather Sheikh Abdullah was the one who made a mark with his leadership
qualities, something which continues to be milked by the father-son duo.
Cross over to Punjab .
Here, the father-son duo of Parkash Singh Badal and Sukhbir Badal has
practically monopolized the entire political space of the Akali Dal. While the
father is the chief minister of the state, the son is the Deputy Chief Minister
and also the President of the Akali Dal. The older generation of the Akalis has
been gradually marginalized and beyond the two, there is hardly any leadership
except perhaps Bikram Majithia, brother-in-law of the junior Badal. Nephew of
the chief minister, Manpreet Badal was important for a while but when he fell
out in the succession plan of the senior Badal, he revolted and formed his own
party. “A son is important, not a nephew,” says the saying in the Akali Dal.
Haryana has two immediate
neighbours – Himachal Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. In the hill state of Himachal,
Prem Kumar Dhumal is the Leader of Opposition and was the chief minister till
December 2012. His son Anurag Thakur is an MP from Hamirpur and in the BJP,
this is a rare occurrence. There is hardly any other example in the BJP where
both father and son have made it big into politics. Virbhadra Singh became the
chief minister of the state in December 2012 and is clear that his son
Vikramaditya Singh is being groomed now. As the son is only 23-year old, he did
not contest but the moment he is 25, the junior Singh could well be either in
the state Assembly or Parliament. Vikramaditya was elected as the Indian Youth
Congress President of the state under direct elections, a scheme conceptualized
by Rahul Gandhi. It is a different matter that the election was set aside after
issues of rigging and bogus membership came to limelight.
In Uttar Pradesh, Bahujan Samaj
Party remains the only party which is bereft of dynastic politics. Kanshi Ram
started the party and never encouraged any family member. Instead, the
leadership mantle fell on Mayawati who remained single and can rightfully take
a swipe at dynastic politics of her arch rival in the state—Samajwadi Party.
The entire family of party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav is in politics with son
Akhilesh as the chief minister and daughter-in-law Dimple as an MP. Then there
are brothers and nephews, all in prominent positions in the party and
government. It seems there is no talent beyond the family for the Yadav
patriarch.
Dynastic politics came to
Uttarakhand too but the voters here rejected attempts to foist Saket, the son
of chief minister Vijay Bahuguna from Tehri constituency in a bye-election. The
present chief minister himself is the son of former UP chief minister Hemwati
Nandan Bahuguna though he never benefitted from this politically.
Chief Minister Nitish Kumar of
the JD(U) in Bihar has not encouraged his son Nishant in
politics but his rival Lalu Prasad made his wife Rabri Devi the chief minister
after he was jailed.
In Odisha, you have Navin
Pattnaik as chief minister who benefitted from the legacy of his father Biju
Pattnaik. In Andhra Pradesh, Jagan Mohan Reddy sought the chair of chief
minister as a matter of right after the death of his father YSR Reddy. He was denied
the post by the Congress leadership, leading to revolt and formation of a
separate regional party. The other party in the state TDP too has shades of
dynastic politics though for a change it was the son-in-law of NT Rama Rao,
Chandra Babu Naidu who inherited or rather snatched the political legacy in a
Machiavellian move almost two decades ago.
Like the Akali Dal in Punjab ,
Shiv Sena of Maharashtra also saw the rejection of the claims of the nephew in
favour of the son. The late party supremo Bal Thakre chose his son Uddhav over
nephew Raj to continue the dynastic tradition. Now Uddhav has roped in his son
Aditya to groom his as a leader. NCP too is not bereft of this as both the
daughter and nephew of Union Minister Sharad Pawar are practically the Number 2
and 3 of the party. In Tamil Nadu, it is the extended family of M Karunanidhi
which holds forte as the vanguard of dynastic politics.
So wherever you look, you see
dynastic politics all around. Except perhaps BJP and the Left parties, the
political outfits have limited talent pool when it comes to leadership.
Congress and Rahul Gandhi are only the symptoms of the malaise which runs deep.
“Don’t throw stones when you live in a glass house,” a Congress leader said on
the criticism after Rahul was made the party Vice President. (January 28, 2013)