A tragedy of Himalayan magnitude




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


The Uttarakhand flood and cloudburst is perhaps the severest tragedy in the country in recent decades. Our heart goes out to the hundreds and perhaps thousands who died on a pilgrimage with prayer on their lips and the loss and vacuum which their near and dear ones would face for the rest of their lives.

No one will ever know the exact number of deaths. Given the magnitude of the tragedy and the eye-witness accounts, the death toll must be in thousands. The government figures would restrict the numbers to the least possible, but those who escaped death by a whisker and saw their near and dear ones being washed away by the ferocious rivers or buried under tonnes of debris, know the magnitude of the Himalayan Tsunami and how unforgiving the mountains and rivers have been.

Though there is hardly any protection from nature’s fury-cloud burst, heavy torrential rains, earthquakes or for that matter the bursting of a glacier lake, but there is definitely a strategy to deal with such eventualities and minimise the losses. What the tragedy highlights is the utter failure of the authorities to learn lessons from past disasters and be ready with a system which causes least casualties and ensures rescue at a rate much faster than what we have witnessed in the last over one week.

Being a nature lover and having visited Uttarakhand hills on numerous occasions either for a quite holiday, on journalistic assignments or on a pilgrimage, I fail to understand why there is an unrestricted movement of vehicles right upto where you can drive on the way to Kedarnath or other religious places of the Char Dham Yatra and the Hemkunt Sahib in the busy months of May and June. Why a mechanism can’t be set up by the state government authorities to make a place of halt on the way to the popular shrines and then have a token system so that there is only a regulated flow of vehicles and human beings to the shrines.

The Uttarakhand Government can surely devise a system similar to what has been done by the Shri Amarnath Shrine Board where there is a process of allowing only registered pilgrims, there is small window when the journey can be made and there is a compulsory health check-up. In addition, you have all facilities like food, tents, medicines, doctors and resting places at convenient locations. Pilgrims are sent in batches to avoid over crowding and security personnel are present all around to prevent any untoward incident like a terror attack or even to save them from the fury of nature. In 1996, a tragedy had struck the pilgrims leading to over 250 deaths. A Commission was appointed to know the reasons and suggest remedial measures, lessons were learnt quickly and a mechanism evolved to prevent and minimise nature’s wrath and this has worked over the years. The yatra starts this year on June 28 with all the arrangements in place.

Similarly, those visiting Vaishno Devi shrine know how regulated and efficient the system is and how tokens are issued to the pilgrims at Katra and how you know the exact timings when you would be allowed to visit the sanctum sanctorum.

If such a system could be devised for these two shrines, why can’t Uttarakhand emulate the example? It has all the more reasons to do so as four of the holiest shrines of Hinduism comprising the Char Dham Yatra-Kedarnath, Badrinath, Gangotri and Yamunotri fall in the state. In addition, the famous Sikh shrine at Hemkunt Sahib is also located in the State. It is known as Devbhoomi for the sheer number of religious places it has and the pilgrim traffic every year alone runs into several lakh. All the shrines are at a high altitude in extremely difficult and inhospitable terrain. The fragile eco system and the young Himalayan Mountains make the area prone to landslides. But despite all this, there has never been any effort to regulate the increasing traffic of pilgrims and religious tourists. 

So you do not regulate flow of traffic and you do not have any disaster management plan keeping in view such a scenario. Ideally, there should be helipads all over the place at every few kms on suitable locations and wherever the terrain permits. If one gets submerged in water or debris falls on it, there should be another helipad close by keeping an eye on such an eventuality. Here is a case when you start digging a well when the fire is already on. Helipads were hastily made after the tragedy struck. This area is sensitive from a military point of view also as the China (Tibet) border is not far away and you do not even have multiple helipads to ensure that the bigger Mi-17 helicopters land. There should be dozens of them.

Despite lack of efficient air support, the armed forces and the ITBP did a commendable job in relief and rescue operation on the ground. They always come out with flying colours when the country faces natural calamities and other emergency. But what prevents the Uttarakhand government for creating a dedicated force for mitigating the fury of natural calamities which is quite common in the hills. Remember the Uttarkashi earthquake in 19991 and the Chamoli earthquake in March 1999 which led to massive death and destruction then. If locals are recruited in such a disaster management organisation and they supplement the efforts of army and ITBP, the results would be different and the rescue and relief much faster. The locals know the terrain like the back of their hand, they know the alternative routes, they know the peaks and the turns of the mountains, they can even read the weather and can be extremely valuable in any disaster management operation.

It was also a time to revisit the ecological devastation that has taken place all over the hills be it in Uttarakhand or the neighbouring Himachal Pradesh. I remember visiting the Tehri Dam when construction was going on in 1997 along with a team of Journalists and environmentalist and Chipko movement leader, Sunder Lal Bahuguna. He was on a maun vrat then but explained the disasters waiting to happen by writing notes. Bahuguna took us to the top of the hill to explain the entire system of the dam and how this was untenable in the fragile eco system of the hills. We understood him, but no one involved in decision making paid a heed. During my last visit to several places in Uttarakhand three years ago, all I saw and noticed with concern was a series of dams and hydro power projects of all hues and size mushrooming everywhere. Rivers were being diverted through tunnels bored in the hills, tonnes of mud was being excavated to make way for dams, huge machines were involved in drilling work, rocks were being blasted and in the process, they were playing with the natural system of the rivers and mountains.


Of course the debate on development versus environment is wider and everyone has an opinion on it. My point is simple. Our greed to extract as much as possible from the hills has to stop. You simply cannot recklessly build chain hydro power projects, hotels, shops and houses on the riverbeds. Have respect for the holy rivers, the mighty Himalayan Mountains, the numerous shrines which dot Uttarakhand and the fragile local ecology and eco system. (24.6.2013)

Modi embarks on “Congress Mukt Bharat” campaign



Amitabh Shukla
Madhopur (Pathankot)


Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday practically launched the BJP’s  campaign for the Lok Sabha election 2014 here on the borders of Punjab and Jammu & Kashmir, outlining his vision for the country and how Gujarat model of development could be replicated in the rest of the country.

Addressing the Sankalp rally on the occasion of party founder Shyama Prasad Mookerjee’s 60th death anniversary, the chairman of BJP Campaign Committee launched a blistering attack on the Congress and how it had failed the country and its people on all fronts.

Mookerjee, who had opposed separate constitution and flag for Jammu & Kashmir, was arrested for entering the State without a permit, which was mandatory then. He died in jail after a month.

“The Congress has a habit of forgetting people’s sacrifices. It has deliberately forgotten the first martyr of free India,” Modi said, amid applause from the party workers who came here from Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu region.

In the wake of Janata Dal (U) walking out of the NDA, the Gujarat Chief Minister spoke about the need of allies and referred to how Mookerjee formed a non-Congress alliance of 35 MPs to counter the policies of Nehru. He talked about uniting hearts and political parties. “Hum rajnitik dalo ko jodne ka kaam karenge. Hum dilo ko jodne ka kaam karenge,” said Modi.

“Time demands that we move for peace, unity and amity (shanti, ekta and sadbhavana),” he added. Modi also talked about the need to “heal the wounds of Kashmir” and connect its aspiring youth with the national mainstream for the development of the State.

He said had Vajpayee come back to power in 2004, the wounds of the people would have healed and there would have been equitable development in Ladakh, Kashmir and Jammu regions of the State. He said guns and bombs do not solve problems, development does. Taking a swipe at the UPA Government, he said there are two heads (Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi) and the people do not know who is genuine. “Our resolve here should be to get rid of the two heads,” he said.

Lashing out at the Congress, he said the future of the country is not safe in the hands of the Congress and the youth face bleak prospects.

“I want to ask the Prime Minister what he did to save Sarabjeet Singh. I want to ask the PM what he did when the head of our soldier was cut off within a month they were sitting in Jaipur with chicken biryani…” Modi said, amid cries of Bole So Nihal and Bharat Mata ki jai.

He said, “We have to dream of a Congress Mukt Bharat…The country is suffering. There is a competition these days between the Rupee and Congress. Both are going down.”

Referring to the development in Gujarat, he said that with the same people, same rules and the same system, a change has been brought in Gujarat and this could be done in the rest of the country.

“I want to assure you that there is tremendous potential for development of the country. If the potential of the youth is realised, what could not be done in the last 60 years can be done now,” said the Gujarat Chief Minister.


Earlier, endorsing Modi as the prime ministerial candidate of the NDA, Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal said, “We will do a Fateh (victory) rally before the actual victory. This will not be an election but a war of independence under Modi... Independence from hunger, poverty, unemployment, corruption,” the septuagenarian added. (24.6.2013) 

Accolades for Modi in first big outing



Amitabh Shukla

Madhopur (Punjab)

Goa saw the appointment of Narendra Modi as the chairman of the campaign committee of BJP, Madhopur on Sunday witnessed a series of leaders virtually declaring him as the prime ministerial candidate of the party and the NDA.

The lead was taken by the patron of Shiromani Akali Dal and Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal who laid to rest all apprehensions and virtually declared that the next Lok Sabha polls would be held under the leadership of Modi. “You do not belong to Gujarat only…the country is waiting for you,” said Badal, asserting that he will convene a big political rally soon in which Modi will be the chief guest to announce the campaign for the Lok Sabha elections. Badal emerged as one of the most powerful supporters of Modi in his speech and could help stitch alliances for the NDA as it bids for power in 2014.

This was the first time Modi had ventured outside Gujarat for a political function after his appointment as the chairman of the campaign committee over two weeks ago. Top BJP leaders from Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir gathered here on the banks of the Ravi river to commemorate the 60th martyrdom day of the Bharatiya Jan Sangh founder president Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

The choice of the site was important as Mookerji had crossed over to Jammu and Kashmir from Madhopur border and was arrested by the then Sheikh Abdullah government and died in custody 60 years ago. The endorsement of Modi’s leadership came not only from Badal but also the entire BJP leadership of the region. Party veteran Shanta Kumar said it was time for a change and the change could be brought under Modi.

“The country wants to get rid of the Congress…we are looking for a Congress-free country,” he said, quoting Modi’s speech at Goa which talked of a ‘Congress-mukt desh’. In the same vein, he talked about the Gujarat model of development and how this could be replicated in the county by Modi. Party MP Avinash Rai Khanna gave a new definition of Modi saying M in the surname of the Gujarat Chief Minister stood for Model, O for of, D for Development and I for India. From Punjab BJP president Kamal Sharma to BJYM president Anurag Thakur and Ministers in the coalition Government in Punjab — there was a competition among them to eulogise Modi in whatever vocabulary they had.

It was a Modi show all the way with not only the leaders but also the party cadres from northern region endorsing the name of Modi for the top job of the country. There was no mention of the sulking LK Advani by the leaders and Modi himself hailed the Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government as the harbinger of change.


Overwhelmed by the support of the entire leadership of BJP and Akali Dal and amid thundering applause from thousands of supporters listening to them in high humidity, a humbled Modi said Badal was like a father figure from whom he learnt a lot while Shanta Kumar showed him the way in politics when he was the in-charge of the northern region from 1995 onwards. He appreciated the role of all leaders who made him what he is today. He referred to former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee on several occasions. However, he refrained from naming Advani even once in his long speech. (June 24, 2013)

Third (Federal) Fronts have failed time and again




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


With general elections less than a year away, a flurry of political activity — Narendra Modi getting into the centrestage of national politics, LK Advani refusing to retire and throwing his towel in the ring, the dead as a dodo Federal or Third Front saying it is alive and kicking and the JD(U) divorcing its 17-year-old partner — gripped the people.

Reams have been written about the Gujarat Chief Minister getting a national role in BJP after becoming chairman of the Campaign Committee. No one will bother to find out who was the chairman of this Campaign Committee before Modi. That is irrelevant. The symbolism of the appointment was there before everybody not only in the BJP but also other parties as well. It was obviously a major step which would catapult Modi as the prime ministerial candidate of the party in the battle ahead. A sulking Advani refused to go to Goa where the announcement was made, kept blogging, resigned from party posts and finally the big brother RSS came into the picture to assuage the hurt sentiments of the perennial rath yatri.

All this was perhaps on expected lines and so was the decision of the JD(U) to part ways with BJP. The BJP could not have gone into the polls with the same old tired faces whom the electorate rejected twice in 2004 and 2009. Remember Advani was the prime ministerial candidate of the party in 2009 and it got lesser seats than it got in 2004. It simply could not afford a third straight loss. No political party can.

BJP had to do something new, something big, come out with a fresh idea and approach to reinvigorate its cadres and motivate them for victory which has been eluding the party for the last two elections. The Modi phenomenon may work or may not work. But at least, an attempt has been made to provide a fresh alternative and approach. You simply cannot go into the next World Cup of cricket with Sachin Tendulkar and Sunil Gavaskar as the fulcrum of Indian batting. Perhaps the entire BJP realized this except Advani. As the political saga in the BJP unfolds in the next few months, you can expect more from Advani to remain in the limelight within and outside the party. He is not going to give it away easily and fade into oblivion.

But I fail to understand what the JD(U) and its earlier avatar Samta Party thought all this while. Perhaps it thought that Advani was more “secular” as compared to Modi in the last 17 years of the alliance. Perhaps it thought that Ram Mandir agitation and the accompanying riots were secular acts and the riots in Gujarat post the Godhra incidents were communal. The Nitish Kumar led party also perhaps thought that the Ram Mandir agitation, the chief architect of which was Advani was too old and out of the memory and radar of the people whom it is trying to nurture as a vote bank.

As JD(U) built its base in Bihar on the edifice of shabby governance by the Lalu Yadav led RJD in the years following the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the arrest of Advani by the then Bihar government headed by Lalu Yadav, it never thought that there was anything wrong, that it was aligning with the “communal” Advani and his party. All of a sudden it sees virtues in the grand old leader and finds him secular while dubbing Modi as communal with the same brush. People of the state and the voters would not buy that theory. As the entire political drama in Bihar has been scripted with an eye on the 17 per cent or so Muslim votes, the experiment is bound to fail. The party would perhaps realise this in the elections.

Bereft of a solid upper caste support base, there is no dominant caste now in the new electoral arithmetic of Bihar which the JD(U) faces, the party seems to be headed in the Congress fold like the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party in UP. The Kurmi caste, from which Nitish Kumar hails, is hardly dominant in any part of the state except in some southern areas.  The Extremely Backward Castes and the Mahadalits, assiduously built as vote bank by Kumar, too remain marginal all over the state and sparsely distributed in every constituency to make any electoral impact. In addition, the Muslims are being wooed by not only the JD(U) but also RJD and the Congress, making the division of votes imminent. The JD(U) may survive in the remaining term of its government even without BJP but the future and also a national role seems too distant now. The defeat of the JD(U) in Maharajganj Lok Sabha by-poll is an indicator of the things to come. 

Perhaps the JD(U) sees hope in the fledgling Federal Front which has been there in its various avatars over the years ever since the failed 1977 Janata Party experiment following emergency. Old timers still remember the daily dose of political drama and instability which led to the collapse of the government in three years.

It was followed by more drama with the Third Front and United Front leaders getting a chance in the sun with prime ministers like VP Singh, Chandra Shekhar HD Deve Gowda and Inder Kumar Gujaral coming and going on the musical chair. All of them had short tenures, there is nothing about them to remember and it was crass political opportunism which saw them in chair in the first place. Ironically, the so called Federal Front leaders have not learnt by experience even when none of the experiments succeeded without the support of the main parties. While V P Singh was propped up by the Left and the Right-Communist parties and the BJP, all others like Chandra Shekhar, Gujaral and Deve Gowda were propped up by the Congress and dumped at the first given opportunity. Before them, there was Jat leader Charan Singh who fulfilled his prime ministerial ambitions after being propped up by the Congress in 1979 and never faced Parliament before being dumped unceremoniously. 

In this era, it would be difficult to imagine a conglomeration of political forces  as diverse as Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress, Naveen Pattnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, Chandra Babu Naidu’s TDP, Jayalalitha’s AIADMK, Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) or Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party coming together just for the sake of power without any common minimum programme and understanding. This is simply not tenable. The egos of these regional chieftains are huge and nothing in this world is going to ensure that it falls in place. All of them have prime ministerial ambitions and the country can ill afford to have so many prime ministers in waiting. The country also cannot afford a political non-entity on the chair with the decisions being taken by a syndicate comprising so many leaders of varying temperaments, ideology, beliefs and ambitions. 

Indian polity is gradually becoming bipolar with Congress and the BJP as the two poles at the national level. But obviously, in the next elections, the regional players would play a major role. But the election cannot be seen as a contest of regional conglomerations.  People have to be presented an alternative with alliances in place before the polls. If the dozen odd leaders of the so called Third or the Federal Front think that they will first win the polls in the state and then strike a deal at a later stage, this is not going to work. (June 17, 2013)

TRAVEL: Manali losing its summer charm




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


The popular hill station in Himachal Pradesh attracts over 30 lakh domestic tourists and another lakh and half foreigners every year. But those who come here in the rush season vow never to come back as infrastructure has not kept pace with the tourist arrival and lack of any regulation on plying of vehicles has ensured that Manali remains one of the most polluted hill stations in May-June every year.

Traffic jam at Rohtang Pass
Almost every urban tourist who was here in June this year, vowed not to visit the place in the peak tourist season when dust, vehicular pollution and traffic jams in and around the city spoil the holidays and leave you wondering what are you doing here in the first place in this madness.

One of the most picturesque places in the country where nature has offered almost everything it could-flowing Beas river besides the small town of Manali, the mighty snow capped peaks all around, air conditioned weather escape from the blistering heats of the planes, the huge and centuries-old deodar and pine trees and of course so many avenues for adventure sports, trekking and the Rohtang pass, 51 km away.

Once that lures you to the place in June and you decide to make a trip, you realise how wrong the decision has been. The small town is overflowing with people from all parts of the country. There is no place to sit anywhere and all you have is the market and the restaurants where you can rest your aching legs. There are masseurs moving around and they will give you a knee down massage for a meagre   `25 to 50, depending on your bargaining skills. But obviously you did not come here for that.

Perhaps traffic jam at the highest point in India with
snow capped peaks all around in June 2013
If you are not a lover of adventure sports, biking, cycling or trekking and came here to hear the mesmerising sound of the gushing Beas river, hear the silence in the woods amid the tall trees, hear the birds chirping in the fruit orchards and besides the window of your guest house, you will be disappointed. Vehicles and taxis of all hues have silenced all other voices and you cannot hear nature speak to you. Fed up with vehicles all around you and even threatening to mow you down on the narrow streets, you head for an eating place to try out some local cuisine. In this globalised era, there is no local Himachali food available here. You have plenty of Punjabi food, chat, Chhole Bhature and what not. Thankfully, the food MNCs have not yet invaded the place. But that is little succour. Even after asking half the population of the town, I could not find any restaurant where local Himachali cuisine was being offered. When I was here the last time, almost a decade back, a Tibetan monk had a small eatery which specialised in excellent Tibetan food. I still remember the Thupka and the Momos which I had then. But it had closed in a decade as the Buddhist monk could not perhaps cope with the rising commercialisation. I asked the shops about the monk in the saffron robe selling Tibetan food, none of the young shopkeepers had any idea. One Raju Lama with a big ponytail has now opened a small outlet above the Tibetan market. It was better than the other stuff being offered in the town though not as good as the one sold by the monk in saffron robe. 

Next day, it was time to head for the Rohtang Pass, on the National Highway going to Leh. Due to its strategic importance, an all-weather tunnel is being constructed here. The road remains open only for around six months in a year due to heavy snowfall and the BRO maintained road passes through glaciers and melting snow. If traffic jams in the town were not enough, here you find thousands of vehicles heading for the pass at almost 4000 metre above the sea level. Perhaps, this could be the biggest traffic jam of the world at such a height. Even an early start of 5 am leaves you amid a massive traffic jam which you could see on the roads above you and below you in a serpentine queue. Unbelievable. I had seen traffic jams lasting hours in the cities but this was simply on top of the list of traffic jams. What is worse is that this happens every day in May and June.
What a view. But the serpentine que of vehicles
remains an eyesore in the peak summer months

As the serpentine queue grew in length, a few people simply decided to turn back after spending an hour in the traffic jam at perhaps the highest peak. There were snow-capped peaks all around and there were walls of snow besides the road where hundreds of vehicles were idling. Heavy stench of burnt diesel was in the air due to the movement in bumper to bumper traffic.   I was lucky. The traffic started moving after an hour and a half.

After reaching t he top and spending a few minutes, the prime concern was not to enjoy the magnificent view all around the Rohtang Pass but to return back safely before sunset to the Circuit House in Manali where I was staying. We again started early as the driver of the taxi warned us that a day before, it took him seven hours to complete the 51 km journey downhill. Despite starting early from Rohtang, there were traffic snarls all around and it took almost five hours to reach Manali. Two traffic jams of an hour each with snow walls and mountains all around spoiled the mood. One could never have imagined a traffic jam at such a place. May be we will soon see a traffic light, the highest on the peaks to control vehicular movement.

There was a plan to build a ropeway to Rohtang but strong opposition from the 5000-strong local taxi union thwarted the move. I asked the taxi driver, what is the point of ferrying people to Rohtang when all of them would curse you at the end of it, he merely said, “we get employment for two months in a year.” The government should seriously think about it and give tourists as option-either go by taxi or the ropeway.

It was time to head back to Chandigarh. But the road itself is in shambles in several places with no strengthening work undertaken after last year’s monsoon. The Manali-Kullu road is full of potholes in several sections. While the road from Kullu to Mandi is much better as you move besides the Beas, the road further ahead again has potholes in several stretches. Some of them in and around Swarghat from where the border of Punjab begins are so big that it could damage the vehicles severely.

Government earns crores from tourists. It charges `200 from every non-Himachal Pradesh vehicle entering Manali. This is in addition to `30 it charges for entering the State. As roads are the only mode of transportation in the city, the neglect was nothing else but pathetic governance. You simply want to drive away the tourists and ensure that they do not come again.


Post Script: Do visit Manali for a great holiday but ensure that you do not come here in the peak tourist months of May and June. (June 10, 2013)

Desist from politicizing Naxal menace




VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA



The gruesome attack on Congress leaders and death of 28 people so far in the deadly naxal attack in Chhatisgarh has triggered another round of blame game. So despicable has been the political discourse following the brutal attack that instead of devising strategy for tackling the armed brigade of the banned CPI (Maoist), the focus has shifted to conspiracy theories and electoral gains and losses in the poll bound and naxal hit State.

Last week in this column, I had briefly mentioned how the handling of the dreaded Maoists in the last nine years of UPA has left a lot to be desired. I pointed out how the Government and the party were on a collision course on tackling the Naxals, emboldening these groups further. While the Government advocated a tough approach when P Chidambaram was the Home Minister, the party, particularly Congress General Secretary Digvijay Singh, questioned the tough approach of the Government. The confusion spread all around and weakened the morale of the security forces on the ground as no one was sure how to tackle the lawlessness created by the Maoists in the so called liberated zones.

Even as the eyes of the relatives of the family of the victims of the Chhatisgarh attack were yet to dry, utter confusion prevailed in Government on how to tackle the issue in hand, often described by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh as the greatest threat to internal security. While Singh has continued to pay lip service to the issue over the months and years, he has done precious little to remove the confusion on tackling naxalism. This has been one of his lapses which have been seldom pointed out. Merely saying that this is the greatest threat does not serve the purpose as no concrete and serious action has been taken by his Government on the ground. Can anyone in the Government enlighten me if any meeting has ever taken place to build a consensus on the fight against “the greatest threat to internal security”.  Merely sending more and more CRPF men in the region is not a solution as the Government is more or less treating them as cannon fodder rather than a fighting force. It was not long ago that 76 CRPF men were butchered by the outlawed group in the State.

When the top Congress leadership was wiped out in the Bastar attack, the Central Government started the blame game by entrusting the investigations to the National Investigation Agency. It did not have faith in the investigative machinery of the State Government which has been in the forefront in the fight against the Naxals. I fail to understand what will the NIA do except blaming someone or the other and pointing fingers at some low level police official for not discharging duty. What purpose would the investigations serve in the larger cause of fight against the ultra left lawlessness?  Chances are that it will blame the State Government and its police force for lapses. Remember, it was former Home Minister Chidambaram who had praised the Raman Singh government’s efforts to check the Naxal menace. Now if you blame the same Government which you hailed earlier, will it serve any purpose in the larger fight against the Naxals? When Chidambaram was the Home  Minister, at least the right noises were being made and policy formulation was initiated. With Sushilkumar Shinde in the ministry now, all seriousness has gone and the Centre is merely treating it as if another crime has taken places somewhere in the remote corners of the country.

If one goes into anti insurgency history of the country over the years, one will find that it was the state police which led from the front, not the central forces. In Punjab, perhaps the only example where terrorism was crushed leaving no scope for revival, it was the state police which crushed terrorism two decades ago and not the central para military forces. The State police have the local intelligence, its men come from the same region, speak the same language and face the threat day in and day out. They have interests in solving the issue while CRPF and other CPMFs are only doing a temporary job of supplementing the resources and efforts of the state police force.

Ever since its formation, NIA does not have any track record of successfully investigating such attacks. It was entrusted with the Malegaon blast probe which still has several loose ends. It is unlikely to come out with anything concrete in the Bastar attack except leakages to the media to suit its political masters the way it was done in the Malegaon attack. If the Government can create NIA, why can’t it create a specialist body to fight naxals in the States of Chhatisgarh, Odisha, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and parts of Maharashtra and Bihar. Why can’t there be a unified command for anti naxal operations and why can’t the government use the expertise of the armed forces.

Even if one leaves apart the investigation part, both the BJP and Congress entered into a blame game and floating conspiracy theories playing into the hands of the ultra left extremists. This is what the naxals wanted—spread confusion in the political parties to strengthen themselves. I fail to understand why don’t they realize that the Maoists intend to overthrow the Indian State through an armed struggle and for them none of the political parties matter.

In fact, having no policy or national consensus against ultra left violence over the years has helped these groups propagate their cause and spread out. Ever since Naxalbari violence erupted in West Bengal in the late 1960s, ultra left violence has never been eradicated. They have changed their names over the years— CPI (ML) Maoist Communist Centre, People’s War Group etc but essentially in the new avatar of the banned CPI (Maoist), they are the same lot with the same ideology of violence and silencing those who oppose them.


They have several frontal organisations which remain out of the scrutiny of the law enforcing agencies. Obviously, the group has an ideology which has to be fought both through development, ideology and force. Unless you weaken them first, you cannot hope to take development in the areas where the Maoists dominate. Development here has to be people centric, as per the local needs and aspirations and not the way corporate houses or the mining barons want. It was time, the Government built a consensus on the type of development which needs to be carried out in these areas, the method of fight against armed rebellion against the Indian State and how such violence is brought to a halt. (June 3, 2013)