Showing posts with label Haryana. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Haryana. Show all posts

Girl child no longer a burden in Haryana


VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


When I went to cover Assembly elections in Haryana a few weeks ago and hit the hinterland of the State, it was strange to see that the youth in some areas demanding that there should be a movement to increase the ratio of the girl child and they would vote only for those who do that. They had also demanded that politicians should first arrange for mass weddings of these youths before seeking their votes.

These youths, some of them clearly on the wrong side of youth — in their late thirties and forties — were yet to get a bride and had remained bachelors. For them, bachelorhood was a compulsion and it was also a sort of social ostracism in the conservative society where “normalcy” meant that you had a wife, children and you were supporting them as a family.

I finally called one of the bachelors with whom I had spoken for the story, which I did for The Pioneer. I asked him which party he voted for and was there any candidate who supported their cause. He did not name any party or candidate but said gradually, people in Haryana were realising how bad female foeticide was and the sex ratio was improving. “Our generation has suffered but the next generation has seen the reality and the girl child was no longer a burden on the family,” he said.

It was a pleasant surprise to find that the district administration in Rewari, considered a backward district in the State, deciding to celebrate the birth of girl child from now on. Anganwadi workers have been directed to distribute sweets and cut cakes by organising a get-together with the villagers in their centres after the birth of the girl child to celebrate the occasion. All expenditure will be provided by the district authorities.

In Rewari district there are 856 girls against 1,000 boys, a figure considered quite low by any standards. This is one of those districts where the population of unmarried males in their late 30s and 40s is quite high. Apart from the celebration of the birth of the girl child, the authorities here would also celebrate first birthday of all female children born after November 2013. There would be cake-cutting ceremony to celebrate the first year of the girl child in the entire district. Obviously, this would force the people to have a rethink on the way they were behaving earlier and what should be the way forward. 

I have been observing Haryana for a while and this was one of the pleasant experiences when we reported the story. The Rewari example should be replicated all over the state as a success story as this is the way forward.

Sometime ago, what caught my attention was the exploits of a con woman who was taking advantage of the extremely skewed sex ratio in Haryana. The con woman was perpetually “marrying” people and then running away with the booty from her so called husband’s house. Taking advantage of the fact that men in the marriageable age, particularly those from the family of marginal farmers, find it extremely difficult to get a bride, the con woman used to “marry” a person after taking amount ranging from Rs1 lakh to Rs1.5 lakh. This was not all.

She used to decamp with valuables of the house when no one in her “marital” home was around.

She “married” five times but was caught when trying the trick for the sixth time in a row. The woman, with the help of her accomplices, had another trick up her sleeve. She used to threaten her “husband” that she will approach police for harassing her for dowry lest he part with an agreed amount and set her free. The hapless “husband” used to part with the money and that was the last he saw of his “wife”.

Given the social conditions prevailing in parts of rural Haryana, there could be several such con women going around with their “business” without any problem. The “unfortunate” lady was caught even though she “married” in different sub-divisions of the state. The modus operandi was an eye opener. In my career in journalism, which took me to different parts of the country over the years, I had never come across a situation where such a trick was used to con people.

Then there are numerous “marriage bureaus” in most of the towns which too are doing brisk business in the state. Such marriage bureaus do exist in other parts of the country as well but what is unusual about Haryana is that all of them only have eligible male bachelors on their records. While in other parts of the country, groom seekers seek the services of such bureaus, in Haryana, it is mainly the bride seekers who are ready to pay through their nose, to get a bride using the services of such match makers. Many of these “marriage bureaus” are fly-by-night operators who run away with the  money of those male bachelors who are desperate to get brides.

Haunted by the dubious distinction of being a State with the lowest sex ratio in the country at 877 females per 1,000 males as compared to the highest of 1084 males per 1,000 males in Kerala, the marriageable men of Haryana had never had it so bad.

While the rich farmers still manage to get wives for their sons, though with great difficulty, the marginal farmers and those on the edges find it extremely difficult to find a bride. No wonder in their desperation, they resort to buying brides as they have to have for somebody to do the domestic chores at house, look at their farms and animals and also to meet their biological needs and desire for progeny. Here, caste system goes for a toss. Nor is religion or the state from where the girl hails from given any consideration. “After wedding, women belong to the caste and the religion from where their husbands hail from,” goes the saying in the rural belt. The “bride purchasers” have another reason and logic. “Beggars are not choosers,” they say. And indeed in the marriage market, the eligible males in some regions of the States are beggars.

With such a demand, triggered by years of sex determination tests and resultant female foeticide, the traffickers had never had it so good in the state, known otherwise for its agriculture, sports and hardworking people. Recently, the Delhi Police busted a gang that used to abduct young girls and sell them off to middle-aged men and their brothers in Haryana as brides.

Ironically the sex ratio of 877 in Census 2011 is the highest since 1901. This perhaps explains why there are few females in the marriageable age in this northern State. Among the neighbouring States, sex ratio of Punjab is a poor 893 though Himachal Pradesh is impressive with 974.

With the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PNDT) Act being enforced strictly and the State being watched closely, optimists insist that things could improve say after 10-15 years. But experts and gender analysts say that it could take at least 50 years to make up for the loss and maintain a gender balance and that too only when things continue to improve each passing month and year. It is here when a movement needs to be built on celebrating the birth of a girl by the community and also her first birthday. (December 1, 2014)

Khattar scripts history, Haryana set for a revamp



VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


On Sunday, Manohar Lal Khattar became the first BJP Chief Minister of Haryana, scripting a new political history for the small State, known for its agricultural prowess ever since the Green Revolution.

Apart from being the first BJP chief Minister of the State, what makes Khattar, the low profile, non assuming, humble man of organisation from RSS, different from run of the mill politicians is the fact that for the first time in recent years, someone contested his first election and straight away was elevated for the top job of chief minister. Except one, all his Cabinet Ministers are first timers and this will certainly help the new government take bold and innovative measures for rapid development, something which run of the mill politicians cannot take.

Haryana boasts of relatively high per capita income and infrastructure. Now it would be natural for the people of the State, who voted for the BJP enthusiastically, to expect that the new Government headed by 60-year old Khattar would do another Gujarat or perhaps emerge better than it in tandem with the vision of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

For the small State, it is time to take off. It was time to rewrite the script of economic growth and prosperity. It was time to show to the country that it can excel not only in wrestling, boxing and other sporting events but also become the role model for the economy by combining tradition (agriculture) and modernity (Industries) to produce outstanding economic indices.

It has all the natural advantages to become the most developed state of the country though lopsided policies in the last ten years prevented it from taking off to that stage. Located next to Delhi, it has geography as the most significant advantage along with hard working and industrious people, decent infrastructure and a set up which can facilitate high rates of growth. Many in the state now see it as a test case laboratory experiment for rapid development by the joint efforts of both Modi government at the Centre and Khattar government in the state. Some BJP supporters are even arguing that it could become another Singapore or Taiwan in terms of economic development and per capita income in the next decade or so if right impetus and direction is provided by a selfless, committed and transparent government. They see Khattar in that role and hope that there would be a complete transformation in the way one looks at government and there would be visible change in the next few months.

Ironically, in the last 10 years, in fact almost last two decades, the focus of the governments was only to promote real estate and the most common scam was that of Change in Land Use (CLU). Simply put, this was a gross misuse of the discretionary powers which the government had. Fly by night operators sought and got help from the state government, floated residential colonies and commercial space and used location advantage of being close to Delhi to their own benefit. Robert Vadra-DLF deal was just a symptom of the disease plaguing the state. The disease has spread far and wide and it should be the first priority of the Khattar government to check this.

Whatever Industries came to Haryana was due to its proximity to Delhi and was limited to the Gurgaon-Manesar belt. This belt also saw offices of Multinationals, Call Centres, software companies and automobile industry. In fact, over 60 per cent of revenue which the state gets, come from this area alone. Not surprisingly, not only the opposition but even those in the ruling Congress accused the previous government headed by Bhupinder Singh Hooda of creating two different Haryana—one was the prosperous one in Gurgaon-Rohtak belt and the other was the backward one in the rest of the state, except a small pocket of development in Ambala-Panchkula belt. Khattar will have to break this and ensure that the rest of the state too develops at par with Gurgaon-Rohtak belt. 

For sixty-year old Khattar, this is his first brush with administration and governance in his 40-year long political-social career and one challenge for him will be to overcome the general perception that he is an “outsider” in the political system. He may be an outsider in the sense that he has not held any government post in the past but this is likely to help him and not become an obstacle as he would not be conditioned by pre conceived notions and bias which a seasoned politician has. Also, he will not have many people to please and compromise his governance as he is new to the political system of Haryana.

That Khattar is close to his benefactor, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is well known now.  Both have worked together in the organisation not only in Haryana but also other parts of the country as well. The moment BJP Parliamentary Board announced his name to contest from Karnal, party insiders and those in state Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) knew that he was being sent to become chief minister of Haryana if the party got a majority. This is what happened. Never before in recent history had a political script gone as accurate as in Haryana. What Prime Minister Modi and BJP President Amit Shah visualized and planned, got executed on the ground. This rarely happens in politics but it actually did.

Given Khattar’s grassroots level work over the years in Haryana, albeit silently, he is aware about the caste realities in the state where the Jats dominate the social and economic milieu. For a non-Jat leader, one challenge would of course be to assuage the sentiments of the dominant Jat community, comprising 25 per cent of the population and used to the psychological factor of one amongst them being the Chief Minister ever since the State was created 48 years ago. For almost two decades after Bhajan Lal, the State had a series of Jat Chief Ministers-Bansi Lal, Om Prakash Chautala and Bhupinder Singh Hooda. Khattar will have to accommodate not only Jats but other communities also in governance and ensure that there is no sense of being left alone or out of power.

He made an effective beginning in this direction by inducting two Jat leaders in his Cabinet—Capt Abhimanyu and Om Prakash Dhankar. As state BJP President Ram Bilas Sharma has also been inducted in the Cabinet, there would be a new chief soon. The new name could be from the dominant Jat community as the party wants to outgrow the perception that it was only the consolidation of non-Jats which led to the victory in the Lok Sabha polls followed by the Assembly elections.

The Cabinet formation has settled some of the political issues, but Khattar would also be facing some administrative challenges as well. Just before being voted out, the Hooda Government had blatantly played communal card and stirred up a hornets’ nest by passing a Bill for creation of separate Gurudwara management committee for Haryana. This was strongly opposed by BJP’s ally Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab. Though the legality of the issue is in Supreme Court, demands are already being made to call back the passage of the Bill and make it null and void. The new government will have to take a call on the issue and if Sikhs in Haryana are opposed to it, it may get a fresh amendment bill passed in the assembly, annulling the previous one passed by the Hooda government to get votes of the Sikh community.

In addition, there are several disputes pending with neighbouring Punjab for decades, which includes sharing of river water, controversial Hansi-Butana canal, transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab along with the Punjabi speaking areas of the state etc.  As Congress was in power in Haryana all these years, these issues were always kept under the carpet. Now that BJP is in power, it will have to reassess the situation and take a call. There would also be pressure from Akali Dal-BJP Government in Punjab on Khattar to expedite some of these long pending issues. Though Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal and his son and Akali Dal President Sukhbir Badal campaigned in Haryana against BJP as they had an alliance with INLD, the senior Badal attended the swearing-in ceremony of Khattar, indicating that the past is behind them and it was time to look ahead.

Khattar has made a good beginning in his first meeting with officers after taking over. His no nonsense and businesslike approach towards governance is being talked about in the bureaucratic circles. Here, too he will have to make a sharp departure from the previous government which was heavily dependent on bureaucracy for everything on one hand and at the same was punitive towards it by frequent transfers. Keeping bureaucracy on its toes would be the right way to go along with using its expertise rather than being over dependent on a select few which was the approach of the last government.

With Prime Minister Modi, several union ministers and BJP chief ministers attending the swearing-in of Khattar, he seems to enjoy the support of rank and file of the party, from top to bottom. It was time to make the dream a reality. (October 27, 2014)


Outsider tag a challenge for non-Jat Khattar

  

Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

When Manohar Lal Khattar takes over as the first BJP Chief Minister of Haryana on October 26, he will be face to face with administration and governance for the first time in his 40-year long political-social career and the most important challenge for him will be to overcome the general perception that he is an “outsider” in the political system.

Like his benefactor, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who had never been a legislator or Minister before becoming Chief Minister of Gujarat, Khattar too has never been an MLA or Minister before. Like Modi, he was deputed by the RSS in the organisation and worked his way up before being surprisingly selected to contest from Karnal. The moment his name was announced from the seat, it was clear that the top BJP leadership had a political script written for him if the party wins the Assembly polls.

BJP sources say that lack of administrative exposure would be an asset for Khattar rather than a handicap as he will assume office without a conditioned mindset about governance. “This is where he will score and provide an administrative set up which will not only be new for Haryana but also unique in several ways,” said a source, associated with the process of selecting the new chief minister of the state.

For a non-Jat leader, one challenge would of course be to assuage the sentiments of the dominant Jat community, comprising 25 per cent of the population and used to the psychological factor of one amongst them being the Chief Minister ever since the State was created 48 years ago. For almost two decades after Bhajan Lal, the State had a series of Jat Chief Ministers-Bansi Lal, Om Prakash Chautala and Bhupinder Singh Hooda. Khattar will have to accommodate not only Jats but other communities also in governance and ensure that there is no sense of being left alone or out of power.

BJP leaders have indicated that Capt Abhimanyu, who was in the race for chief ministership and is a Jat face of the party and MLA from Narnaund, could become the new Haryana BJP president in the changed scenario. He has been a national spokesman of the party and has also worked in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab. “It is necessary to keep the dominant community of the state in the loop and a part of the party and Government in a big way for consolidating the gains of the assembly polls,” a party insider said. Another possibility, which was being discussed, was to make him Deputy Chief Minister. But this would create two centres of power and the leadership does not want it. If Capt Abhimanyu becomes the BJP president of the state, present president Ram Bilas Sharma could get an important department in Khattar’s Cabinet.

Chaudhary Birender Singh, the grandson of tallest Jat leader of his time, Sir Chhotu Ram, who joined the BJP from the Congress before the Assembly polls, could get a berth in the Union

His wife Premlata was the giant killer in Assembly polls who defeated Hisar MP Dushyant Chautala from Uchana Kalan. Presently, both the representatives in the Modi Cabinet from Haryana-Rao Inderjit Singh and Krishna Pal Gurjar-are non-Jats and a section of BJP believes that sending him to Centre makes political sense at this point. With the help of Capt Abhimanyu and Chaudhary Birender, the BJP plans to make inroads in the rural hinterland and Jat belt of the State from where it did not perform well in the Assembly polls.

Besides the political issues, Khattar would also be facing some administrative challenges. Just before being voted out, the Hooda Government had stirred up a hornets’ nest by passing a Bill for creation of separate Gurudwara management committee for Haryana. This was strongly opposed by BJP’s ally Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab. Though the legality of the issue is in Supreme Court, demands are already being made to call back the passage of the Bill and make it null and void.

In addition, there are several disputes pending with neighbouring Punjab for decades, which includes sharing of river water, controversial Hansi-Butana canal, transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab along with the Punjabi speaking areas of the state etc.  As Congress was in power in Haryana all these years, these issues were always kept under the carpet. Now that BJP is in power, it will have a reassess the situation and take a call. There would also be pressure from Akali Dal-BJP Government in Punjab on Khattar to expedite some of these long pending issues. (October 23, 2014)


Backroom boy comes upfront: Manohar Lal Khattar



Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

Sixty-year old Manohar Lal Khattar, a bachelor, will be the first BJP Chief Minister of Haryana. Specially brought in from the organisation and given a ticket to contest the Assembly polls, Khattar has a four-decade old association with the RSS. He was chosen by the newly elected BJP legislators as their leader in the presence of central observer M Venkaiah Naidu and Dinesh Sharma.

BJP insiders said that the moment he was given ticket from Karnal, it was a foregone conclusion that he will be the Chief Minister if the party were voted to power, a senior party leader said.

“I have been given a big responsibility. I assure you that we will work for the welfare of the people of Haryana,” Khattar, the CM-designate said, soon after the announcement. He added, “My Government will be transparent and there will be no discrimination with any area.” He was referring to charges of regional discrimination in the last 10 years of the Congress rule.

Looking at carving a non-Jat political platform in the State on the patterns of the experiment which Bhajan Lal did over two decades ago, the BJP chose a non-Jat leader from the Punjabi community for running the State. Most of the 47 seats which the BJP won in the polls came from areas where the non-Jats are influential. Sources said that in a bid to further consolidate this section, which comprises 75 per cent of the population of the State, the announcement of Khattar’s name was a mere formality.

Being close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi was an additional advantage for the Karnal MLA. In 1996, when Modi was BJP in-charge of the northern States before becoming Gujarat Chief Minister, Khattar worked closely with him in Himachal Pradesh and Haryana. This perhaps explain how he was chosen for the job despite being a first time MLA at the age of 60 and having no administrative experience or exposure to the working of the Government. Khattar’s four-decade old association with the RSS and his two-decade stint as as organising secretary of the BJP’s Haryana unit swung the pendulum in his favour.

Known as a key strategist, he held the post of the chairman of the party’s campaign committee for Haryana in the Lok Sabha elections in which the party won seven of the State’s 10 seats. That Khattar was close to the Prime Minister is also reflected by the fact that  the PM had made him in-charge of 50 wards in his Varanasi Lok Sabha constituency.

Given the importance of the occasion as the BJP occupies centre stage in State politics for the first time since it came into existence in 1980, the swearing-in ceremony of Khattar and the ministers is likely to take place at the sprawling  Tau Devi Lal Stadium in Panchkula on October 26.

Though Central observers had been sent to elicit the opinion of the MLAs on leadership, sources said there was complete unanimity on the name of Khattar in the meeting of the BJP legislature party. Word had spread previous evening that he would be the Chief Minister and no other leader came forward to contest the popular choice of the MLAs and that of the central leadership of the party.

However, outside the venue of the meeting, supporters of a few leaders were hopeful that there could be some change at the last minute. Slogans too were raised in favour of some leaders but the moment Khattar’s name was made public, there was no opposition whatsoever from any quarters.

BJP Observer Dinesh Sharma said, “The name of Khattar was proposed for Chief Minister by Haryana BJP president Ram Bilas Sharma and election was unanimous.” Soon after the meeting, the BJP submitted a letter to Haryana Governor Kaptan Singh Solanki staking claim to form a Government. Following the constitutional procedure, the Governor invited Khattar to form the Government.

In the 90-member Haryana Assembly, the BJP has a simple majority of 47 MLAs. It vanquished both the ruling Congress and the main Opposition INLD to romp home in a remarkable performance, following a similar success in the Lok Sabha polls.  (October 22, 2014)

BJP to name Haryana CM Today



Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

The suspense over the name of the new Haryana Chief Minister is expected to be over by Tuesday afternoon when the newly-elected BJP legislature party meets here to decide who would be their leader. As the BJP went to the polls without announcing any chief ministerial candidate, the doors are wide open with half a dozen aspirants lobbying for the top job in the State where the party has a simple majority of 47 MLAs in the 90-member Assembly.

Manohar Lal Khattar, the first-time MLA from Karnal and having deep roots in the RSS for four decades, is being considered a front runner. He is believed to be close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has worked in the organisation for long, and is non-controversial and a hard taskmaster. State BJP chief Rambilas Sharma too has strong RSS connections and is a non-Jat aspirant for the top job. Ambala MLA Anil Vij, the face of the party in and outside the last Vidhan Sabha, is the third aspirant from the non-Jat group. But if the party prefers someone from the dominant Jat community, only two names are being considered Capt Abhimanyu and party’s Kisan cell president Om Parkash Dhankar.

In Delhi, all these aspirants on Monday queued up at the BJP headquarters to plead their cases before party chief Amit Shah, who was busy handling Rs hotlineRs  from Maharashtra. BJP general secretary JP Nadda was closeted with Shah while Haryana  election in-charge Vijayvargiya and  deputy-election-in-charge Anil Jain too were part of the consultations process.

Sharma, who came out after his meeting with Shah understandably did not say anything about his being the choice for the top post, saying the name will be out on Tuesday morning. He, however, offered ‘laddos’ to people around. Capt Abhimanyu too offered sweets but claimed that he was not aware as to who would win the race for the CM. Abhimanyu, a Jat, did not buy the argument that only non-Jats have voted aggressively for the BJP. There are around half-a-dozen BJP Jat candidates who won elections.

All the potential CM candidates denied that there was any particular non-Jat focus in the BJP’s scheme of things. Haryana Prabhari Jadgish Mukhi went on to say that the BJP has raised its politics above cast identifies. Then came the turn of Rao Birender Singh to arrive at the party office. When asked about the possibility of a non-Jat wearing the CM’s hat, Sigh candidly said “non-Jat hi Banega”.

The BJP parliamentary Board on Sunday deputed Union Minister and former BJP president Venkaiah Naidu as the central observer. He will preside over the meeting of the legislature party to get the opinion of the MLAs. Naidu will be assisted in the job by party vice-president Dinesh Sharma and Haryana in-charge Jagdish Mukhi at UT Guest House. Party sources said if the meeting remained inconclusive and there is no unanimity amongst the MLAs, the decision could be left to the BJP Parliamentary Board.

The name of the new Chief Minister could either be announced after the MLAs meeting or later in the evening in New Delhi by the central leadership. The party would stake claim to form the Government on Tuesday evening and the State could see a new Chief Minister before Diwali, top party sources said.

As the BJP got unprecedented support from the areas dominated by non-Jats, it is expected that the party would prefer someone from these areas as the Chief Minister. Given that the party was never a strong political player in the State with only four MLAs in the last House, it hardly has any experienced face to choose from.

There is little possibility of a Union Minister from Haryana being chosen for the Chief Minister’s post. The reason is simple. There is no legislative council in Haryana from where they can get elected, and secondly with 47 members in the House the party cannot afford to ask a MLA to resign to accommodate any Union Minister. However, in the pool of possible names, there are two Union Ministers from Haryana in Modi Cabinet - Krishna Pal Gurjar from Faridabad and Rao Inderjeet Singh from Gurgaon. They, however, do not fulfill the caste equation in the new political realities of the state post the Assembly polls.

After winning the polls for the first time on its own, BJP leaders are now talking about the agenda before the new government. On top of their priority is freeze in the liberal policy on Change in Land Use (CLU) which helped Robert Vadra and hundreds of small and big builders of the state mint money in the last 10 years of Congress rule. (October 21, 2014)


BJP scripts history in Haryana with ease


Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

Riding a Modi wave in the backdrop of the anti-incumbency factor against the ruling Congress, the BJP swept Haryana and will form the Government for the first time alone. The BJP Parliamentary Board on Sunday evening decided to send Parliamentary Affairs Minister Venkaiah Naidu and BJP vice-president Dinesh Sharma to Haryana as the party’s observers to consult the elected candidates and local leaders to decide on the next Chief Minister of the State.

Haryana BJP chief Ram Bilas Sharma, BJP Jat face in the State Captain Abhimanyu and Manohar Lal Khattar, a 60-plus former RSS man, who won from Karnal, are among the hopefuls for the Chief Minister’s post, in addition to Anil Vij, who is four-time MLA from Ambala Cantt and leader of BJP legislature party in the outgoing Assembly.

Winning 47 seats in the 90-member Assembly, the party had fought the polls without projecting any chief ministerial candidate opening a flood of possibilities for the State leaders vying for the top job. In the 2009 polls, the BJP had won only four seats, indicating the groundswell of support and splendid performance in the polls. 

Bogged down by anti-Congress sentiments, infighting within the party, refusal of the voters to buy the developmental plank of the party, lack of vision for governance, series of scams pertaining to change in land use and the infamous Robert Vadra-DLF deal, Chief Minister Bhupinder Hooda was fighting a losing battle from the beginning. As soon as the results became clear, he accepted defeat, went to the Governor and resigned. He has been asked to continue as a caretaker Chief Minister till a Government takes over.

A beaming Kailash Vijayvargiya, in-charge of the BJP’s election in Haryana said: “People of Haryana wanted a change. Our party cadres and leaders worked very hard. The credit for our success has to go to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah.”

When a record 76.54 per cent electorate came out to vote on October 15, the writing was on the wall for the ruling Congress. This was a positive turnout and a vote for change. The rise in vote share of the BJP was a stupendous 24 per cent, catapulting it to power with 33.2 per cent of the votes. Last minute support of the influential Sirsa-based Dera Sacha Sauda helped the party close some seats. This was the first time the BJP fought Haryana polls alone without any alliance.

All of the BJP’s chief ministerial candidates won. This included Manohar Lal Khattar from Karnal, State BJP president Ram Bilas Sharma from Mahendergarh, Capt Abhimanyu from Narnaund and Anil Vij from Ambala Cantt.Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda retained the family bastion of Garhi Sampla-Kiloi while Kiran Chowdhury, daughter-in-law of former Chief Minister Bansi Lal retained her Tosham seat.

INLD’s Abhay Singh Chautala, son of jailed party chief Om Prakash Chautala also won from Ellenabad and so did Naina Chautala, wife of jailed leader Ajay Chautala from Dabwali.Kuldeep Bishnoi Haryana Janhit Congress chief and son of former Chief Minister Bhajan Lal won from the family stronghold from Adampur, a seat which his father represented on several occasions. His wife Renuka Bishnoi also won from Hansi.

In the BJP wave, the most prominent loser was sitting MP from Hisar, Dushyant Chautala who tried his luck from Uchana Kalan on INLD ticket. Ajay Singh Yadav, the five-time Congress MLA and Minister in the Hooda Cabinet lost from Rewari in what is known as the Ahirwal. Despite aggressive campaigning, Geetika Sharma abetment to suicide case accused Gopal Kanda of Haryana Lokhit Party lost from Sirsa. Venod Sharma, the chief of Jan Chetna Party who had an alliance with HJC led by Kuldeep Bishnoi lost from Ambala City. Bishnoi’s brother, and former Deputy Chief Minister Chander Mohan who sought political rehabilitation after his conversion to Islam, second marriage and them reconversion from Nalwa also lost.

For External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, the biggest setback was loss of her sister Vandana Sharma  from Safidon. Contesting on a Congress ticket, the country’s richest woman Savitri Jindal too lost from Hisar. In the Lok Sabha polls, her son and coal scam tainted Naveen Jindal had lost from Kurukshetra.

Now BJP is spoilt for a choice. It would be tough for the party to decide who would be the Chief Minister of the State. The election was fought in the name of Modi and collective leadership.

The names doing rounds include RSS activist Manohar Lal Khattar, state BJP president Ram Bilas Sharma, BJP spokesman Capt Abhimanyu, Legislature party leader in the outgoing House Anil Vij, besides two Union Ministers who did not contest. Party sources, however, indicated that it could be one of the MLAs who would be the chosen for the top job. A decision is likely to be taken by the BJP Parliamentary Board on Monday. (October 20, 2014)


Will ‘Exit’ signal for Cong hold true?



Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

Change is in the air in Chandigarh, the joint capital of Haryana and Punjab. Not only is there a change in weather but winds of political change blew across the State in the run-up to the Assembly polls.

All exit polls suggested the rout of the ruling Congress. Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda, who had an extended run of almost 10 years, is all set to bid adieu, if the exit pollsters prove to be on the point.

The sentiments of employees of the State Government are perhaps a true indicator to gauge the mood of the people and the way political wind is blowing. Employees of the Haryana Civil Secretariat in Chandigarh have already written the Congress off.

“It now remains to be seen whether Congress would be reduced to single digit or gets into double digits or a dozen seats,” said a Director level officer. The official and other employees in the Secretariat are waiting for the next Government to take over.

In a political masterstroke, BJP in Haryana dumped the baggage of its ally Kuldeep Bishnoi led Haryana Janhit Congress and fought on all the 90 seats alone. Emboldened by the Modi wave, induction of top leaders from Congress and anti-incumbency sentiments against the Hooda Government, BJP hopes to form the Government alone for the first time.  Last minute support of the influential Sirsa based Dera Sacha Sauda, tilted the scale in its favour.

INLD gave BJP a run for its money in the run up to the polls with its chief Om Prakash Chautala getting benefit of a sympathy wave and attracting substantial crowd in his rallies. However, INLD failed to make an impression in the urban areas and lacked a direction with two of its top leaders-party chief himself and his son Ajay Chautala in jail. It was no match to the aggressive, business like approach of the BJP where Prime Minister Narendra Modi and party chief Amit Shah addressed over a dozen rallies each.

Hooda looked jaded and out of touch with the ground realities. A series of pre poll sops failed to cut ice as big ticket corruption (Robert Vadra-DLF land deal) rocked the state. Though he put a brave face forward against heavy odds, he is fighting more for the post poll arithmetic in state Congress rather than for forming the Government.

Given the realities, Hooda cannot even hope to become Leader of Opposition as INLD is set to bag the Number two position in the State.However, Hooda’s Cabinet had passed a note giving several perks to former Chief Ministers a year ago. He is set to enjoy those perks after the polls even if he is not the CM or the Leader of Opposition.

Political observers say the massive turnout of 76.54 per cent, surpassing the 47-year old record of 72.65 per cent in 1967 indicates change. “People voted against status quo,” said a Haryana watcher at Panjab University.BJP sources expressed confidence of a clear majority and already informal lobbying is on for the top post. Sources indicated that even if the party falls marginally short of the majority it has no dearth of “friends and well-wishers” in smaller parties like HJC and Jan Chetna Party of Venod Sharma. 

 Election department officials said that a clear trend would emerge in an hour of counting and by two hours, people would know who is forming the next government of the state. (October 19, 2014)

Dera swings balance ar 11th hour



Amitabh Shukla | Chandigarh

For the first time in Haryana, there would be two firsts — a serious three-cornered contest and the BJP emerging as a contender for power without any alliance. Opinion Polls may suggest a hung Assembly but the support extended by influential Dera Sacha Sauda to the BJP at the last minute has helped it significantly. The 90-member State Assembly could see a close contest between the BJP and the INLD with the ruling Congress effectively pushed to the third slot.

Issues and Factors

Robert Vadra-DLF land deal: This has become the bugbear of the Bhupinder Singh Hooda Government. Despite Congress’ spirited defence, the issue is stuck with the electorate with the BJP going hammer and tongs against it. The public perception that Vadra, the son-in-law of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, benefited immensely and minted money has gone too deep in the electorate to shake off whatever logic the Congress invented to justify the deal.

Policy on Change in Land Use (CLU): Anyone familiar with the State and who has been in the hinterland would be aware how CLU was used to benefit the chosen ones. Hooda himself was the Minister concerned of Town and Country Planning Department that decides which land should be converted from agricultural to residential or commercial, for over nine years. In urban Haryana CLU has become synonymous with favouritism and corruption and the BJP has used it to good effect. The BJP highlighted how brokers, property dealers and builders benefited during the two terms of Hooda.

Reservation for Jats: The dominant community of the State, comprising around one fourth of the population, was declared OBC even as only a section demanded it. This ate into the benefits of other OBCs in the State who have reacted rather strongly. While Jats, now OBCs, are least bothered whether they are counted as OBCs or not, the other genuinely backward communities have made it a poll issue.

Khaps: As always, they are divided on political lines with some supporting the INLD, others the Congress and now even the BJP has made inroads into them. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had a word of praise for them, bringing smiles on the Khap leaders, who have been wrongly maligned over the years for supporting honour killings.

Dera Sacha Sauda: The last minute announcement of the influential Sirsa-based Dera led by the colourful Baba Gurmeet Ram Raheem to support BJP is expected to help in achieving the “Mission 60 Plus” of the party. The Dera, hitherto known to have a soft corner towards Congress, has a massive following in several parts of the state, particularly in the belt touching Punjab and its support base cuts across caste lines though the marginalised, poor and Dalits are its mainstay.

Parties

BJP: A resurgent BJP led in 52 Assembly segments in the May Lok Sabha elections as compared to four segments in the outgoing Assembly, triggering a wave of optimism in the party. With Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressing over a dozen meetings in the State, the party hopes to form the Government on its own. In the GT Road belt and the urban areas of the State, there is a groundswell of support for the party. The party has also tried to forge a non-Jat caste alliance for the first time after Bhajan Lal. “There is a massive pro-BJP vote in the State and that is why we have given the slogan of Mission 60 plus,” said State party president Ram Bilas Sharma.

INLD: Riding a sympathy wave due to incarceration of its chief Om Prakash Chautala, the main Opposition party hopes to form the next Government with the support of smaller parties and Independents. Chautala’s rallies, before being sent back to Tihar Jail, saw a good response in the Jat belt of the State and elsewhere. In the rural areas (Bangar belt) and Jat hinterland, the party is expected to do well.

Congress: Double anti-incumbency in the State as well as the Centre has taken the sheen out of the Congress and the Hooda Government. A series of high profile desertions in the run-up to the polls, opposition within the Government by Ministers and factionalism in the State unit of Congress has made the matters worse for the ruling party. Except the Deswali belt (Rohtak, Jhajjar and surrounding areas) from where Hooda has support base intact, the party’s base has eroded significantly. “There is no anti-incumbency. We have performed and done something for every section of society,” said Hooda, putting on a brave face.

HJC, HJCP and HLP: The smaller regional parties like Haryana Janhit Congress led by Kuldeep Bishnoi, Jan Chetna Party led by Venod Sharma and Haryana Lokhit Party led by Gopal Kanda have tried to make it a three and a half way contest. They hope that in case there is a hung Assembly, like that of 2009, they will be able to play the kingmaker. “We will extend support to like minded parties if there is a hung Assembly,” Bishnoi said.

Caste combination: The Jats dominate the political landscape of the State with a population of 25 per cent. Their support is divided but the INLD seems to be their favourite except the Rohtak belt. Dalits comprise 20 per cent of the population and this time their support is divided between the BJP, the INLD and the Congress. Sikhs comprise around 7 per cent and despite the Congress bringing a Bill for separate Gurdwara, they are supporting either the INLD or the BJP. Punjabis are around 6 per cent and their support for the BJP is visible on the ground along with that of the Vaishya community which has a five per cent population. Ahir community (5 per cent) in south Haryana has shifted their allegiance to the BJP after Rao Inderjeet joined the party along with the Gujjars who comprise 4 per cent of the population. Others include Meo Muslims (3.5 per cent) who are divided between the INLD and the Congress, Sainis, Rajputs, Rors, Kumhars and others. (October 15, 2014)

BIWI DO, VOTE LO! JIND BACHELORS TIE CANDIDATES IN KNOTS



Amitabh Shukla | Jind

When contesting candidates go to their  constituencies seeking votes, they expect demands of employment, opening of industries, water for irrigation, 24-hour electricity, health and educational facilities. But the extremely skewed gender ratio in this part of Haryana has changed dynamics of electoral demand with bachelors saying that their votes would go to the candidates or parties whoever promises to arrange brides for them.

An organisation called Kunwara Union (Bachelors’ Union) has sprung up in Jind. Its sole purpose is to ensure support for their cause. Their cause is simple — contesting candidates and parties should help them get married and settle in life of domestic bliss. “The candidates do not know how to respond to them or promise them as this is practically impossible,” said an office-bearer of Indian National Lok Dal (INLD). In the run-up to the polls, BJP Kisan Morcha chief OP Dhankar had given a controversial statement on the issue and since then politicians are maintaining a studied silence.

People no longer laugh at the demand of the Kunwara Union as the list of males above 40-years, who are yet to get brides, is growing longer. All of them have only one demand — wedding bells for them. Interestingly, most of them have turned champions of fight against female foeticide.

“We may not have exact figures of the unmarried males in their 30s and 40s but I am sure every village in Jind district has a house where there are unmarried males in this age group. This has disturbed the entire social balance. We are suffering and are forced to remain bachelors but our campaign against female foeticide would ensure that the next generation does not suffer,” said Ompal Singh, an office-bearer of the Kunwara Union. Ranvir, one of his associates in the organisation, says that several bachelors in the area have been duped by the so-called “Marriage Bureaus” who promise brides in arranged marriages but flee with the money after registration.

As campaigning came to an end for the Haryana Assembly polls, the skewed sex ratio in Jind and the surrounding areas has become a poll issue. There are 843 females to 1000 males in the district as per the 2011 census; one of the lowest and that explains why organisations like Kunwara Union have become important for the parties.

Hari Chand Middha, the sitting MLA of the INLD, said poor sex ratio was God’s wish. He avoids the issue in his meetings fearing electoral reverses but many in his entourage agree that the issue indeed is important. Supporters of the INLD said the party in its manifesto has promised to solve the acute problem of female foeticide.

Not surprisingly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who addressed a rally here two days ago, blamed female foeticide as the main reason for the skewed sex ratio in the State. He said that the nine worst affected districts of the country were in Haryana, stressing on the need for safety for women. “In Haryana, for every 1,000 males born there are only 875 girl child births. This is not god given that this is happening because we are committing a crime of killing the girl child before its birth,” Modi said while adding that development is the only solution to this problem.

Modi’s recognition of the issue has gone down well with the Kunwara Union. “You cannot turn a blind eye to the issue…Out vote is with the BJP,” said Pardeep Singh of the Union, who has been highlighting the issue at various forums. Surinder Singh Barwala, the BJP candidate from Jind, too talked of development to end female foeticide and the end of the woes of the bachelors of the next generation. His slogan is development, which he says, will solve the issue of skewed sex ratio. Several Khaps too are gradually speaking against female foeticide and have been proactive with the cause of the Kunwara Union. Though cosmetically, some of them are demanding brides for votes, they know the solution is long term and lies in improving the sex ratio. (October 14, 2014)

Haryana Polls: Mooch nahi toh kuch nahi in Kurukshetra


  
Amitabh Shukla | Kurukshetra
  
This is the land of Mahabharata where the Pandavas and Kauravas fought each other. Those on the sides of truth (dharm) won and those whose foundation was on deceit and falsehood (adharm) lost.

But this time, in the Assembly polls, the battle is not between right or wrong but a fight for what the Haryanvis call chaudhar, or simply put, supremacy. “The Assembly polls are a fight for the might of the moustache, not issues,” said Jat septuagenarian Hakam Singh, who lives in Pipli.

Talk to him and other residents and they refer to the battle Royale in the Lok Sabha polls where Industrial tycoon Naveen Jindal of the Congress, embroiled in the coal scam, lost to the BJP candidate due to intense campaign by media baron Subhash Chandra.

This time, Kurukshetra has shifted to Hissar where Naveen’s mother Savitri Jindal, perhaps the richest woman in India, is contesting. Though Chandra is not contesting, he has made available all his resources open for the defeat of the Congress nominee.

The reason is simple. Chandra was dragged into a controversy during the UPA regime when editors of his TV channel were accused by Jindal of wrongdoing.

“Chandra is a Haryanvi. He has not forgotten the slight. He ensured the defeat of Naveen in Kurukshetra five months ago and now the strategy is to get his mother defeated,” said INLD leader Nafe Singh in Kalai Majra village. Singh said this was a classic case for the battle of c which is widespread in Haryana.

“People do not forget their slight easily,” he added. There are several constituencies in the State where there is more at stake than merely the seats. It is the chaudhar of the leaders for which they are fighting and for the families of the three Lals— Devi Lal, Bhajan Lal and Bansi Lal — the fight is for their legacy and is being seen as a test of their vote-catching ability long after they died.

In Dabwali, symbolically Naina Singh, the wife of jailed INLD leader Ajay Singh Chautala is in fray,  but locals say it is the Chaudhar (supremacy) of her husband which is at stake. In Uchana Kalan, sitting Hissar MP Dushyant Chautala is contesting but if he loses, it will be his grandfather Om Prakash Chautala whose prestige will be at stake. All of them are repeatedly using the name of former Deputy Prime Minister Chaudhary Devi Lal to further their cause.

Former Chief Minister Bhajan Lal’s two sons - Kuldeep Bishnoi (Adampur) and Chander Mohan (Nalwa) and daughter-in-law Renuka Bishnoi (Hansi) are in the fray and they are invoking the name of the tallest non-Jat leader to seek votes. The architect of modern Haryana Bansi Lal’s daughter-in-law Kiran Chowdhury (Tosham) and son Ranbir Singh Mahendra (Badhra) are in the fray to cash in on his name even though his granddaughter Shruti Chaudhary lost the Lok Sabha polls

In Uchana Kalan, apart from Dushyant, Premlata Singh, the wife of Chaudhary Birender Singh who switched over from the Congress to the BJP is in the fray. Birender is seeking votes saying if his wife wins, his stature in the BJP would grow. “It boils down to the fight of moustache,” said, Ashwani Sharma, who runs a small coaching institute in Shahabad Markanda. (October 13, 2014)

Haryana Polls: Wolf in sheep’s clothing chants Gopal ‘Kand’!


 Amitabh Shukla | Sirsa

Outside Haryana, in the entire world, he is better known as the prime accused in the Geetika Sharma suicide case but on home turf here, Gopal Goyal Kanda has acquired a politico-religious image.

A local dera chief gave his “gaddi” (seat) to Kanda sometime ago, bringing about the halo of a god fearing religious man who follows the moral conduct strictly. The dera had a considerable following in the area and overnight Kanda’s image was transformed. Emboldened by the grant of the gaddi and the accompanying support, the 49-year old Kanda, the sitting MLA has gone aggressive. “I have been a victim of political conspiracy. Both the INLD and the Congress are against me,” he says about the abetment of suicide charges against him.

Local people recall that in the run-up to the Assembly polls and just before the Model Code of Conduct, he lined up one religious function after the other by inviting saints and sadhvis from Mathura, Vrindavan, Ujjain and Uttarakhand. “Entire town used to congregate as they were held on a grand scale, never seen in the town before,” said Rattan Singh, a school teacher living in Ratanpura colony in the constituency. Electronic gadgets were used to mesmerise the people on such occasions and event management experts were called from the metropolitan cities for a lasting impression.

The efforts of Kanda have paid and he has been able to ward off the charges in people’s perception at least in his home turf. “People do vaguely remember the case but they do not judge him on that. He has a larger than life image here,” added Rattan Singh. After being in jail for several months, Kanda is currently out on bail in the Geetika Sharma suicide case. As an Independent MLA, he supported Congress in 2009 after the party was reduced to 40 seats in the 90-member Assembly and helped Bhupinder Singh Hooda form Government. Rewarded with a ministerial berth and that too of the Home Department, Kanda was known for his high handedness before he was booked in the Geetika suicide case.

When Kanda was in Delhi’s Tihar Jail, his brother Govind Kanda helped him recoup. After being bailed out, the former owner of MDLR Airlines and a moneybag, owning several companies, effectively used various religious functions to bounce back not only in Sirsa but also the neighbouring areas. Buoyed by the exercise, Kanda formed Haryana Lokhit Party (HLP), has fielded 73 candidates in the assembly polls and now claims that no Government in Haryana can be formed after October 15 without his support. “There is a five-cornered contest in Haryana. Our party is in a very good position,” he says, unperturbed about the controversy surrounding him. He avoids any mention of the Geetika suicide case but whenever it crops up, he ducks the issue completely and blames political rivals. His supporters add business rivals too for the abetment case.

“Some from the older generation may not believe his version.  But the young swear by him due to his rags to riches story…Of his success from the owner of a shoe shop to a multi billionaire in a short span of time. Also, the constituency has no complaint against him as he has done so much,” said Anup Gupta, owner of a tea stall in Gandhi Colony. Gupta, who flies the Kite symbol of HLP on his shop and is a hard core supporter of Kanda, says, the local hero was falsely implicated.

Kanda himself has vision for women empowerment if his party is voted to power. He plans to open Women colleges on a large scale and has a women’s wing of his party. His wife Saraswati Kanda too is actively involved in party work. His slogan—“Vyapari, Majdoor aur Kisan, Halopa sarkar me pure honge sabke arman” (In HLP government, the wishes of traders, workers and farmers would be fulfilled) is being popularised through a variety of mediums.       

Some in the constituency say that the jail term came as a blessing in disguise for Kanda as it has created a sympathy factor. “He has been wronged,” Gupta said.

With his supporters raising the pitch, Kanda is unstoppable and talks what the party would do when it forms the next government. “In HLP government, farmers would determine the price of their produce…If farmer is not happy, industry or business cannot prosper…Employment to youth, formation of special economic zones…everything is on the agenda,” he says in the campaign. (October 11, 2013)


Haryana Polls: Congress graduating out of Gandhi grip?

   
Amitabh Shukla | Ambala

Congress, it seems, is reinventing itself in poll bound Haryana as it has practically abandoned the Gandhi family and instead projected its regional satrap as an alternative to its two top leaders.

In the prosperous GT Road belt of the State, stretching from the outskirts of Delhi on both sides of National Highway 1 upto Ambala, the appearance of the two Gandhis — party president Sonia Gandhi and vice-president Rahul in publicity material is rare. Instead, it is two-time Chief Minister of the State, Bhupinder Singh Hooda who juts out of the hoardings, buntings and the wall paintings of the party.

Most of them were put up just before the model code of conduct was put in place. Though a few have been removed fearing strict enforcement of the electoral laws by the Election Commission, a lot of banners and wall writings still remain, giving the message loud and clear that the party is seeking votes in the name of “all round development” carried out in the last 10 years of Hooda Government rather than the “charisma” of the Gandhi family.

A Hooda loyalist in Karnal summed up. “This is an Assembly election. People here know Hooda so seeking votes in his name is natural”. The owner of Lovely Dhaba near the 110 milestone, Narender Singh is more forthcoming. “In the land of the Jats, personalities do matter a lot in elections. BJP has Narendra Modi, INLD has Om Prakash Chautala and so Congress has Hooda,” he said, adding, “People of the State cannot connect to the Gandhis the way they can with Hooda”.

Congress sources say that all the publicity material at the local level has been approved by Hooda himself. He had even approved the copy writing in the slogans which eulogise him, hail him as a leader with vision, someone who has brought smile on the lips of every Haryanvi and given them something or the other. All the schemes of the State Government have been listed while those of the UPA Government in a similar period completely forgotten.

BJP sees an advantage for itself as Hooda is promoting himself in a big way. “There is massive unpopularity against Hooda. He is facing anti-incumbency of four terms — two of UPA Government at the Centre and two of his own,” said sitting BJP MLA Anil Vij, contesting from Ambala. He said Hooda has hijacked his party and mow both are on their way out.

The mood in the Congress office in Ambala is pessimistic. Those in office do indulge in political speculations but agree that it was an uphill task third time round. Asked about the party abandoning the Gandhi family in Haryana, a party office-bearer in Ambala refused to be named but spoke like a seasoned pollster. “The law of diminishing electoral return has caught up with them. The Lok Sabha elections exposed their (Gandhi family’s) charisma or lack of it so there was no point going with their names again. Maybe after some time…” he summed up.

In the GT Road belt from Murthal to Ambala, real estate is a booming business. The easy process of Change of Land Use (CLU) in the last 10 years has ensured prosperity to all - those giving permission in the State Government, the land owners, the builders and anyone associated with the building business, the brick-kiln owners, cement and building material sellers to the numerous property dealers dotting on both sides of the six-lane road, carved out during the regime of Sher Shah Suri in the medieval period. Hooda believes this belt will vote for him overwhelmingly.

Though the Congress does not declare chief ministerial candidates in advance as a matter of policy, Hooda has declared himself the candidate of the party. In the public meetings he has addressed, Hooda is seeking votes on his own name, on his claims of giving something to every section of the society rather than invoking the Gandhi family for the polls.

In the State Congress, critics of Hooda say that hitherto no one in the party had heard about over reliance on one person and promoting personality cult at the State level. “If Hooda delivers Haryana to the Congress single handedly, he emerges a hero and the cult of the Gandhi family gets demolished. If he doesn’t, the Congress will be back to its old ways,” a senior party leader said. (October 10, 2014)

Thus election season, Spotlight’s on Haryana



VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA

It seems the Congress has abandoned the Gandhi family at least in Haryana, which goes to polls next month.

Given the diminishing electoral returns of the Gandhi family, Haryana Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda, seeking an improbable third term, has dropped the names of both party president Sonia Gandhi and vice president Rahul Gandhi from the publicity material which appears on both sides of GT Road from the borders of Delhi to Ambala.

Interestingly, after dropping the names of the party president and vice president, Hooda has sought to emerge as the only Congress leader in Haryana dwarfing others. All the wall paintings and posters in this GT Road belt only glorify Hooda and seek votes in his name. This comes at a time when Hooda too has lost his clout in the State and battling extreme political adversity and anti-incumbency to get at least a dozen seats in the State Assembly.

But the message which the publicity managers of Hooda, obviously with his concurrence, have sent is that the days of the high command are over and the regional chieftains of Congress would call the shots wherever they can. It is perhaps for the first time that a Congress leader (Hooda) has declared himself the chief ministerial candidate of the party. Moreover, Hooda is seeking votes on his own name, on his claims of giving something to every section of the society in the State rather than invoking the Gandhi family for the polls.

The Model Code of Conduct has come into force in the State and an interesting battle is shaping up. Ruling Congress is face to face with a resurgent BJP, riding high on the Narendra Modi wave. The third angle in the contest is Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), which practically has no chief ministerial candidate as both its top leaders — father son duo of Om Prakash Chautala and Ajay Chautala — are languishing in jail after being convicted in the teacher’s recruitment scam.

BJP has desisted from naming anyone as the chief ministerial candidate as there are too many aspirants. The party is going to polls with the formula of collective leadership to prevent factionalism ahead of the polls. The only problem for BJP is the absence of a leader who has an imprint all over the State. Newly-inducted Chaudhary Birender Singh’s influence is limited to the Bangar belt, Rao Inderjit Singh, MP from Gurgaon and Minister in the Modi Cabinet is an import from Congress and is not acceptable to the cadres and middle ranking leaders. Another Minister in the Modi Cabinet from Haryana Krishanpal Gurjar, the MP from Faridabad is not known outside his constituency. Capt Abhimanyu, spokesperson of the BJP too has been active but lacks ground support. Om Prakash Dhankar, national President of BJP’s Kisan Morcha hails from Rohtak and was the only party candidate who lost the Lok Sabha polls to Deepender Hooda. This could weaken his chances of projection as the Chief Ministerial candidate even though he hails from the dominant Jat community. State BJP president Ram Bilas Sharma too hasn’t got much following and acceptability in the party.

Coming back to Congress, the most significant problem in Haryana is the reliance of the high command on only Hooda. This is a far cry from the policy of promoting several leaders in any given State, representing different caste and sub-regional aspirations. But in Haryana, party chief Sonia Gandhi and vice president Rahul Gandhi have placed all their eggs in one basket. Tragically, the basket has got torn and the eggs are falling one by one.

Even as the chips are down, Hooda has shown no inclination to take everyone along as he perhaps knows the outcome and is preparing to position himself in the party after a possible electoral defeat in the Assembly polls. As the party high command is oblivious of the charges of the dissidents and their repeated plea against the Chief Minister, Hooda has turned into a regional autocrat, not willing to accommodate anyone except his camp followers. All dissidents have either parted way or will do so anytime now, except perhaps former Union Minister Selja, who is perhaps positioning herself as an alternative to Hooda in State politics post 2014 Assembly polls.

The year 2014 was really bad for Hooda on all counts. He saw the departure of several party stalwarts this year, which considerably weakened the party’s amongst all castes and regions of the state. Power Minister Capt Ajay Singh Yadav resigned from the Cabinet and then took back his resignation on the eve of Assembly polls, indicating serious fault lines.

All leaders who left Congress this year, charged Hooda with discrimination against most areas of the State except Rohtak from where his son Deepinder Hooda is MP, and areas surrounding it. “Only Rohtak, Sonipat and Jhajjar have seen development,” is the common refrain of all those who left the party. Be it Chaudhary Birender Singh, Rao Inderjit Singh,  Dharambir and others.

What is ironical and an indication of Congress turning a blind eye to Haryana is the fact that there is no tall leader of any stature left who could be the potential rival of Hooda in Haryana politics. There is only Rajya Sabha member Selja left who has been critical of Hooda for years now but unlike other leaders, she will remain in the party and fight the battle internally for leadership position in the near future. Clearly, the Congress is a sinking ship in Haryana and the Captain of the ship, Hooda has to take the blame for so many desertions and doing little to change his style of functioning and accommodating the views of those opposed to him.

The unpopularity of Hooda and the Congress is there for all to see. The Lok Sabha poll results shook Congress like never before, giving it merely one of the 10 seats. But Hooda continues to overlook the results, saying that it was a wave in favour of a person (Modi) and some other day ridiculing the Gujarat model of development saying Haryana model was far better. I don’t know, how many voters in Haryana believe him, but one thing is sure. Even his party colleagues do not. That perhaps explains a series of high profile desertions this year. What all this means is that Congress has practically written off Haryana even though the Opposition is badly divided and the excellent performance of BJP in the Lok Sabha polls may not necessarily mean that it will win Assembly polls as comfortably.

Even though there is a little over a month for the State to go to polls, possible post poll permutations and combinations are already being worked out. Even if BJP is not able to get the numbers to form the Government on its own, a situation is emerging where it could go for a post poll alliance with INLD to keep Congress out. INLD, an erstwhile constituent of NDA, has been sympathetic to BJP and wanted an alliance even in 2009 Assembly and Lok Sabha polls but was repeatedly spurned by BJP. The Chautalas have been praising Modi for a long time on every forum available to them. Now with NDA firmly in saddle in New Delhi, INLD too has expectations as it has remained out of power for a decade now. They could stitch a post poll alliance and whoever has more seats, would be the dominant partner in the alliance and would stake claim for CM’s post. Shiromani Akali Dal, an NDA constituent, is expected to bridge the gap in case there is no clear mandate for any party. (September 15, 2014)

Battlelines drawn: Modi wave on test for BJP



VIEWPOINT
AMITABH SHUKLA


With the Assembly elections in Haryana just a few weeks away, the existence or non-existence of a Narendra Modi wave in North India would be tested for the first time in an electoral battle after the Lok Sabha elections.

No one has even an iota of doubt that it was the Modi wave which catapulted Bharatiya Janata Party to power in May 2014. This was a “Modi wave” election in favour of the BJP which was compared to the “sympathy wave” election in favour of the Congress in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s assassination in 1984. Many a political analyst termed it a “Modi Tsunami” which swept away all political parties and assiduously built regional and caste equations in large parts of North and Western India.

Now after the wave has subsided, it is back to the basics in the Assembly polls. Here, local equations, issues and caste factors matter more than the larger than life image of a personality or a pan Indian issue. The bypoll results in Bihar have already indicated how the BJP has to face new grass roots realities after a new alliance and reduction in the intensity of the Modi wave.

In North India, Haryana would be one State which BJP watchers would be observing closely. Expected to go to polls in October, the ruling party in the Centre has historically always gone for an alliance here and this would be the first time that the party would test its electoral prowess all alone. Even in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, the BJP fought with an alliance with Haryana Janhit Congress (HJC). It’s a different matter that HJC lost both the seats given to it while BJP won seven of the eight seats it contested.

Responding to the Opposition emanating from the State BJP, the Kuldeep Bishnoi led HJC snapped its three year old ties with it ahead of the Assembly polls. The alliance took shape when BJP was a fringe player in the State and there were different set of leaders calling the shots at the national level. Aiming to consolidate the non-Jat votebank, Nitin Gadkari, Sushma Swaraj and Dr Harsh Vardhan played important role in getting the new alliance together after the party had snubbed Om Prakash Chautala led Indian National Lok Dal. While Gadkari was the party President in 2011, Swaraj was the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha and Dr Harsh Vardhan was the BJP in-charge of Haryana.

After the generational shift in BJP leadership, with Modi as Prime Minister and Amit Shah as party President, Bishnoi was left with no sympathisers in New Delhi who could influence the decision making. In the new dispensation, no one was willing to honor the 2011 alliance which had offered as many as 45 of the 90 seats to Bishnoi-led HJC and Chief Minister’s post to him for the first two and a half years if the alliance was voted to power. The Lok Sabha poll result further proved that HJC had little standing in the State and Bishnoi was no match to his mercurial father Chaudhary Bhajan Lal. Bishnoi himself lost from Hisar, considered a family bastion, a seat which his father won in 2009 Lok Sabha polls and he himself won in a by-election after the death of Bhajan Lal in 2011.

Not realising that the BJP had grown manifold in 2014 than what it was in 2011 when the alliance came into being, Bishnoi kept on insisting for 45 seats and Chief Minister’s post — a proposal considered “outrageous” and far removed from ground realities by almost everybody in the State unit of his alliance partner. The BJP on the other hand, sent feelers to him to either merge his party with it or settle for around a dozen seats in the new scenario, which had emerged post the Lok Sabha polls. Bishnoi was neither ready to accept the new reality not the proposal for merger. It was a mere formality when he announced his unilateral decision to snap the ties with the BJP. He had not attended either of the three important rallies — one by Prime Minister Modi himself in Kaithal and two by the BJP President in August, giving ample indications that the alliance was already dead before the formal announcement.

At the height of its popularity in 2009, when Chaudhary Bhajan Lal, the architect of the non-Jat political platform was alive, HJC managed a mere six of the 90 seats in the Assembly polls. Due to his political immaturity, five of the MLAs left HJC within days of being elected and merged themselves with Congress, helping it form the Government under Bhupinder Singh Hooda.  Failure to keep his flock together in 2009 kept Bishnoi in the margins of the political mainstream for the last five years despite his alliance with the BJP. Now in 2014, failure to keep the alliance with the BJP will perhaps badly haunt Bishnoi post the results of the Assembly polls.

Banking on the Modi wave and the Modi charisma, the BJP will contest all 90 seats alone, giving it ample maneuverability in the ticket distribution exercise now that the alliance with HJC is formally over. It has formed a considerably powerful caste alliance too with careful selection of those deserting other parties and is now a conglomeration of all castes instead of the non-Jat castes with which it started its political base.

The first important leader to enter the party was Rao Inderjeet, the Congress MP from Gurgaon, now a BJP MP from the same constituency and a Minister in the Modi Cabinet. He has considerable influence in what is known as the Ahirwal belt in South Haryana, in the districts of Gurgaon, Rewari and the nearby areas. BJP did not have any significant presence in the area dominated by the Ahir community before Inderjeet but now can easily make a dent here.

Short of important Jat leaders having support at the grass roots, BJP got Dharambir Singh in its fold from Congress before the Lok Sabha polls and fielded him from Bhiwani-Mahendragarh constituency. He won defeating Shruti Chaudhary, granddaughter of Chaudhary Bansi Lal, considered the architect of modern Haryana. The victory indicated that BJP had made significant inroads in the Jat hinterland, areas in which it never had any presence in the past.

This was followed by the entry of another important Jat leader, Chaudhary Birender Singh, the Rajya Sabha MP from Congress. Birender, a former member of the Congress Working Committee, has influence in what is known as the Bangar belt of the State. But more than that, the old theory that BJP is a party of only the non-Jats has now been effectively demolished. It has now converted itself into an umbrella organisation of different caste groups and interests, an important tool which converts a party into election winning machinery.

It is practically now or never for the BJP in Haryana. Ever since it was formed 34 years ago in 1980, this is perhaps the best chance for the party to come to power on its own in the State without piggy-backing on anyone. Except Congress, the party was in alliance with almost everybody in the State since 1980 and this limited its expansion and growth even when the NDA was in power at the Centre. Now that it has removed the crutches, inducted leaders strategically and is raring to go for the polls, the party should be focussing on candidate selection. This is the most crucial part in an Assembly election as a minor miscalculation could trigger discontent amongst the workers, particularly as a lot of them are new to the party and have joined it recently.


The result of the 2014 Assembly election would indicate whether BJP has been able to convert itself into election winning machinery or not. It has the advantage of two-term anti-incumbency of Hooda Government, Modi wave, high profile desertions to the party and the promise of a good governance. It should consolidate on the advantages in the run-up to the polls and should not fritter away the opportunity it has. (September 1, 2014) 
 http://www.dailypioneer.com/state-editions/chandigarh/2014-08-31-63810.html